联合文告 | 评议教育制度何罪之有？ 促警方停止骚扰新青年

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赵明福民主促进会与隆雪华堂青年团谴责警方援引《刑事法典》第505(b)条文（破坏公共安宁）及1998年《通讯与多媒体法令》第233条文（不当使用网络设备或网络服务），对马大新青年“废除大学预科班”的言论展开调查，并传召该组织主席邓诒泽录供。

作为忧心社稷志在改革的大专组织，马大新青年长期对我国的政经文教课题公开建言，乃是青年忧天下之忧而忧，以言论建设和报效国家的最好体现。政治领袖应该乐见青年自由讨论教育政策之优劣，秉持言论自由精神欢迎各种批评和政策建议，而非用高压手段让异议噤声。

警方在文告中指出，马大新青年的声明“可能导致社会对教育体系产生负面观感，并引发不满及恐慌”，这是莫须有的指控。倘若警方仅仅根据几个人的恶意报案而援引恶法对付大专领袖，这无疑是助长群氓政治，侵犯公民的宪赋言论自由权利。

我们提醒“昌明”政府，希盟领袖在野期间发表过废除大专法令、废除煽动法令、谴责国阵政府打压大专组织的言论；许多单元教育制度的支持者，也常公开呼吁废除多源流学校制度；请问他们是否也造成对教育制度的负面观感，大众的不满和恐慌？请“昌明”政府不要双重标准，只拿无权无势的大专生开刀。

曾经是学生领袖的安华，登上首相之位后却纵容政府机关打压大专生的言论自由，这是何其讽刺。我们呼吁安华领导的“昌明”政府悬崖勒马，停止骚扰马大新青年的领袖，还大专生自由建言和批判的空间！

 

赵明福民主促进会主席 黄业华
隆雪华堂青年团团长 黄彦铬

Kenyataan Bersama | Malaysia dan Singapura di Persimpangan: Hentikan Hukuman Mati, Tegakkan Hak Asasi Manusia

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Memandangkan lima banduan lelaki kini dipercayai berisiko di Singapura, kami, pertubuhan masyarakat sivil yang bertandatangan di bawah, menyeru pihak berkuasa Singapura untuk menghentikan serta-merta semua hukuman mati. Kami juga menggesa kerajaan Malaysia untuk mengambil semua langkah yang mungkin untuk melindungi hak rakyatnya yang berhadapan dengan hukuman mati di Singapura dan mendesak supaya hukuman mati dihentikan sepenuhnya, di Malaysia dan di peringkat antarabangsa.

Antara mereka yang berisiko pelaksanaan hukuman mati ialah Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah, Pannir Selvam Pranthaman, Saminathan a/l Selvaraju, Lingkesvaran Rajendaren dan Jumaat bin Mohamed Sayed. Kesemua mereka dijatuhi hukuman mati kerana didakwa mengedar dadah, dan masing-masing telah menjalani kehidupan selama tujuh hingga sepuluh tahun sebagai banduan akhir. Sementara Jumaat adalah warga Singapura, empat lagi adalah warga Malaysia. Rayuan terkini kelima-lima mereka telah ditolak, selepas bertahun-tahun mereka berjuang mengatasi segala kemungkinan untuk mendapatkan keadilan.

Singapura telah pun melaksanakan hukuman mati ke atas sepuluh lelaki, termasuk dua rakyat Malaysia, setakat tahun ini. Pada Ogos 2025, Kabinet Singapura menasihatkan Presiden untuk memberikan pengampunan kepada seorang yang dihukum mati—kali pertama ini dilakukan dalam hampir tiga dekad. Walaupun kami mengalu-alukan keputusan yang jarang berlaku ini, ia hanya menekankan kesewenang-wenangan dan kekejaman hukuman mati untuk semua yang lain yang masih berisiko.

Individu yang dihukum mati di Singapura dan keluarga mereka hanya diberi notis empat hingga tujuh hari sebelum hukuman mati dilaksanakan. Sebagaimana kami menggesa pihak berkuasa kedua-dua negara untuk melindungi hak asasi manusia dan menamatkan hukuman mati, kami juga menggalakkan rakyat Malaysia dan Singapura untuk bertindak sekarang untuk membantu menghentikan hukuman mati yang akan dilaksanakan terhadap individu-individu ini; kami tidak mampu untuk menunggu, sementara kami tahu mana-mana individu ini mungkin mendapat notis pelaksanaan dalam beberapa hari akan datang.

Pada persimpangan kritikal ini, kerajaan Malaysia mesti bertindak tegas untuk melindungi nyawa rakyatnya dan semua yang menghadapi hukuman mati, serta mendesak pemansuhan hukuman mati di rantau ini. Ramai anak muda Malaysia, sering daripada latar belakang sosio-ekonomi yang kurang bernasib baik, telah terdedah untuk direkrut ke dalam perdagangan dadah, dan kerajaan Malaysia mempunyai kewajipan moral untuk membela mereka, bukan membiarkan mereka mati di penjara asing. Setelah memansuhkan hukuman mati mandatori pada 2023, dan meneruskan usaha ke arah pemansuhan sepenuhnya, Malaysia kini perlu melangkah lebih jauh dengan memperluaskan advokasinya untuk melindungi warganegaranya di luar negara yang kekal berisiko di bawah rejim hukuman mati mandatori yang keras dan kejam di Singapura.

Sementara itu, rakyat Singapura yang gerun dengan hukuman mati ini mesti bersuara menentang hukuman yang tidak berperikemanusiaan ini. Singapura semakin bersendirian di rantau ini dalam melaksanakan hukuman mati mandatori dan melaksanakan hukuman mati bagi pengedaran dadah.

Kes Pannir Selvam Pranthaman

Salah seorang warga Malaysia yang berisiko tinggi ialah Pannir Selvam Pranthaman. Kes beliau dipenuhi dengan pelanggaran undang-undang dan piawaian hak asasi manusia antarabangsa, dan menunjukkan kelemahan asas dalam rejim hukuman mati yang kejam di Singapura.

Pada 2017, Pannir disabitkan kesalahan mengimport 51.84g diamorphine (heroin) ke Singapura dan dijatuhkan hukuman mati mandatori. Walaupun terdapat bukti bahawa beliau hanyalah “kurier” dan telah memberikan maklumat substantif kepada pihak berkuasa, Jabatan Peguam Negara Singapura enggan mengeluarkan Sijil Bantuan Substantif kepada Pannir. Tanpa sijil sedemikian, mahkamah tidak mempunyai pilihan selain menjatuhkan hukuman mati kepada beliau. Pannir, melalui keluarganya, telah berkongsi maklumat dengan Polis Diraja Malaysia berhubung operasi sindiket di sepanjang pantai Malaysia. Kesnya juga telah terjejas oleh kekurangan perwakilan undang-undang semasa soal siasat polis, undang-undang yang menyekat rayuan selepas sabitan kesalahan, penafian bantuan guaman pada peringkat selepas rayuan, dan pelanggaran komunikasi istimewa antara mereka yang menghadapi hukuman mati dengan peguam.

Pada 5 September 2025, Mahkamah Rayuan Singapura menolak permohonan terbaru Pannir untuk penangguhan pelaksanaan, walaupun aduan tatatertib beliau terhadap bekas peguam beliau masih belum diselesaikan. Mahkamah berkata dalam penghakimannya bahawa Persatuan Undang-undang Singapura mungkin perlu bertindak segera untuk “memelihara” keterangan Pannir sebelum pelaksanaan hukuman mati ke atas beliau─satu pengakuan yang mengejutkan dan mengerikan tentang kekejaman besar hukuman mati yang semakin hampir.

Penggunaan Anggapan (Bersalah) Undang-undang dalam Kes-kes Jenayah: Pertarungan Berani oleh Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran dan Jumaat

Pada Ogos 2022, Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran dan Jumaat memfailkan cabaran terhadap perlembagaan anggapan (bersalah) undang-undang berhubung dengan pengedaran, pemilikan dan pengetahuan di bawah Akta Penyalahgunaan Dadah Singapura. Mereka masing-masing telah disabitkan berdasarkan kepada dua anggapan sedemikian yang terkandung dalam Seksyen 18(1) dan 18(2) Akta itu.

Akta Penyalahgunaan Dadah membenarkan anggapan (bersalah) undang-undang digunakan oleh pihak pendakwaan, di mana beban pembuktian dialihkan kepada defendan untuk disangkal oleh mereka kepada piawaian undang-undang “pada keseimbangan kebarangkalian”. Walaupun bidang kuasa lain seperti Kanada, Hong Kong dan United Kingdom telah menolak penggunaan anggapan undang-undang untuk disangkal atas imbangan kebarangkalian—atas dasar membenarkan seseorang tertuduh disabitkan walaupun keraguan munasabah masih wujud—Singapura terus menggunakan anggapan (bersalah) undang-undang tersebut dalam kes pengedaran, pemilikan dan pengetahuan dalam kes dadah. Anggapan bersalah secara berkesan melemahkan jaminan perbicaraan yang adil di bawah undang-undang hak asasi manusia antarabangsa dan melanggar hak untuk dianggap tidak bersalah, norma lazim undang-undang antarabangsa. Selanjutnya, anggapan pemilikan dan pengetahuan boleh digunakan bersama-sama di Singapura—penggunaannya telah diterangkan di mahkamah lain sebagai suatu penghinaan kepada anggapan tidak bersalah.

Empat lelaki banduan akhir ini telah mengharungi suatu cabaran perjalanan yang panjang dan sukar. Skim bantuan guaman di Singapura tidak meliputi pemfailan rayuan luar biasa. Memandangkan mereka tidak mempunyai cara untuk menghubungi peguam secara persendirian, mereka berempat tidak diwakili untuk masa yang lama, memaksa mereka hadir ke mahkamah tanpa peguam untuk menghujahkan bantahan mereka sendiri. Apabila peguam kanan asing menawarkan untuk mewakili mereka secara pro bono, mahkamah memutuskan bahawa mereka sendiri perlu menghujahkan permintaan untuk menerima peguam asing ini untuk mewakili mereka di Singapura — mewujudkan keadaan yang keterlaluan di mana orang yang dihukum mati terpaksa mengemukakan hujah undang-undang yang sangat teknikal manakala peguam kanan asing hanya boleh melihat ini berlaku. Akhirnya, Mahkamah Singapura menolak permohonan mereka supaya peguam ini mewakili mereka.

Hanya kira-kira dua tahun selepas cabaran perlembagaan mereka difailkan, beberapa peguam tempatan bersetuju untuk mengambil kes mereka, yang ditolak bulan lalu. Dengan berakhirnya kes ini, tiada lagi prosiding undang-undang tertangguh untuk menghalang pihak berkuasa Singapura daripada menjadualkan pelaksanaan hukuman mati mereka.

Kebimbangan Besar Terhadap Lain-lain Pelanggaran Undang-undang dan Piawaian Hak Asasi Manusia Antarabangsa

Kami mengingatkan pihak berkuasa Singapura bahawa perlindungan antarabangsa mengenai penggunaan hukuman mati melarang pelaksanaan hukuman mati sementara rayuan atau prosedur lain yang dilakukan masih belum selesai. Sudah tentu boleh diakui bahawa penglibatan Pannir—untuk mengarahkan peguam, memberi keterangan dan menjawab sebarang bukti yang dibangkitkan oleh bekas peguam beliau—adalah satu-satunya cara untuk memastikan keputusan yang adil dalam aduan beliau yang dikemukakan kepada Persatuan Undang-undang Singapura. Ini amat kritikal memandangkan aduan itu termasuk perbualan langsung yang melibatkan Pannir dan bekas peguam beliau; dan beberapa orang lain yang dihukum mati yang juga telah memfailkan aduan terhadap peguam yang sama ini telah pun dilaksanakan hukuman mereka sebelum keterangan mereka didengar.

Seperti Pannir, surat-menyurat peribadi kedua-dua Datchinamurthy dan Saminathan juga telah disalin dan diserahkan oleh Perkhidmatan Penjara Singapura, tanpa kebenaran, kepada Jabatan Peguam Negara—suatu tindakan yang telah diputuskan oleh Mahkamah Rayuan Singapura sebagai menyalahi undang-undang.

Individu yang dijatuhkan hukuman mati di Singapura telah menimbulkan kebimbangan serius tentang halangan yang sangat terlarang yang mereka hadapi dalam memfailkan permohonan undang-undang selepas rayuan jenayah mereka selesai. Mereka juga berulang kali membangkitkan betapa sukarnya untuk mereka melibatkan peguam di Singapura, memandangkan risiko denda yang membebankan, teguran dan kos yang perlu ditanggung oleh peguam untuk mengambil kes jenayah di peringkat akhir. Keadaan hukuman mati di Singapura semakin memburuk saban tahun, dengan banduan mengalami pengasingan dalam sel bersendirian, komunikasi yang sangat terhad antara mereka dan orang tersayang mereka, dan pihak berkuasa penjara menjadikannya hampir mustahil bagi banduan yang terlibat dalam cabaran undang-undang yang sama untuk berbincang antara satu sama lain.

Hukuman mati bagi kesalahan dadah melanggar undang-undang dan piawaian hak asasi manusia antarabangsa, yang mengehadkan penggunaan hukuman mati hanya kepada “jenayah paling serius”, yang difahami sebagai pembunuhan dengan sengaja. Pengedaran dadah tidak memenuhi ambang ini. Kedua-dua Jawatankuasa Hak Asasi Manusia Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu dan Pelapor Khas Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu telah secara konsisten mengesahkan pendirian ini. Namun sebahagian besar hukuman mati yang berlaku di Singapura dijalankan sebagai sebahagian daripada kempen nasional “perang melawan dadah”—yang mana menunjukkan betapa jauhnya pendirian Singapura berbanding masyarakat antarabangsa dalam soal hak asasi manusia dan keadilan.

Perdana Menteri Baharu, Lawrence Wong

Sebagai perdana menteri baharu Singapura, Lawrence Wong berpeluang mengambil langkah penting untuk menghentikan penggunaan hukuman mati yang kejam dan tidak berperikemanusiaan di Singapura yang telah meragut ratusan nyawa sejak merdeka. Mengenakan moratorium serta-merta ke atas hukuman mati dan memansuhkan hukuman mati mandatori akan menjadi langkah penting yang mendesak yang boleh beliau lakukan, dengan tujuan ke arah pemansuhan sepenuhnya. Ini bukan sahaja akan menyelamatkan nyawa ramai banduan akhir, tetapi juga memastikan Singapura tidak ketinggalan oleh trend antarabangsa yang menolak penggunaan hukuman mati.

Perdana Menteri Wong setakat ini tidak membuat sebarang kenyataan umum mengenai penggunaan hukuman mati oleh Singapura. Bagaimanapun, pengampunan pertama yang diberikan kepada banduan hukuman mati dalam tempoh 27 tahun—yang tidak mungkin berlaku tanpa Kabinet Wong menasihati Presiden Tharman Shanmugaratnam untuk berbuat demikian—menunjukkan bahawa perubahan boleh dilakukan. Perdana Menteri Wong tidak seharusnya berdiam diri dalam isu ini, dan harus menunjukkan kepimpinan dalam menamatkan penggunaan hukuman mati oleh Singapura.

Peranan Malaysia sebagai Pengerusi ASEAN: Peluang Menerajui Pemansuhan

Pemansuhan hukuman mati mandatori Malaysia berkuat kuasa pada Julai 2023, sebelum proses pendakwaan semula menyeluruh di mahkamah untuk semua individu yang dijatuhkan hukuman mati mandatori sebelum pindaan, termasuk mereka yang disabitkan kesalahan mengedar dadah. Akibatnya, kebanyakan hukuman mati telah diketepikan dan digantikan dengan 30 hingga 40 tahun penjara dan, jika berkenaan, sebat.

Kami diberi suntikan semangat dengan pengumuman baru-baru ini bahawa moratorium pelaksanaan hukuman mati terus dipatuhi di Malaysia dan kajian baharu sedang ditugaskan untuk mempertimbangkan kemungkinan pemansuhan hukuman mati sepenuhnya. Sebagai Pengerusi Persatuan Negara-Negara Asia Tenggara (ASEAN), Malaysia mempunyai kedudukan unik untuk memperjuangkan hak asasi manusia di rantau ini. Campur tangan Malaysia dalam kes ini bukan sahaja menunjukkan komitmennya untuk menyokong rakyatnya yang menghadapi hukuman mati di luar negara, tetapi juga kepimpinannya dalam memajukan agenda hak asasi manusia dalam ASEAN.

Kami menyeru pihak berkuasa kedua-dua negara untuk:

1) Melibatkan diri dalam campur tangan yang pantas dan berkesan: Gunakan semua saluran yang ada, termasuk rayuan diplomatik langsung untuk menggesa Kerajaan Singapura supaya tidak melaksanakan hukuman mati ke atas Datchinamurthy, Pannir, Saminathan, dan Lingkesvaran, dan untuk menghalang hukuman mati selanjutnya daripada berlaku di Singapura, termasuk yang akan menyalahi undang-undang di bawah undang-undang dan piawaian antarabangsa;

2) Memanfaatkan mekanisme ASEAN dan memimpin melalui contoh: Gunakan kedudukan Malaysia sebagai Pengerusi ASEAN untuk menyokong kerjasama serantau untuk menghapuskan hukuman mati, sambil bergerak ke arah pemansuhan sepenuhnya di negara sendiri untuk menunjukkan contoh yang kukuh bagi rantau ini.

3) Berkomitmen ke arah pemansuhan hukuman mati sepenuhnya: Melaksanakan atau mengekalkan moratorium ke atas pelaksanaan hukuman mati, dan menjalankan kajian bebas, berasaskan bukti dan telus untuk menjauhi hukuman mati.

Ini bukan semata-mata untuk menyelamatkan nyawa beberapa orang lelaki banduan akhir terpilih yang mendekam di Penjara Changi Singapura. Ia adalah mengenai menamatkan kekejaman hukuman mati, memastikan kedua-dua Singapura dan Malaysia menegakkan maruah dan hak semua, dan menunjukkan kepimpinan yang diperlukan untuk menggerakkan negara mereka dan serantau ke arah pemansuhan.

Kami menyeru Kerajaan Malaysia untuk bertindak tanpa berlengah-lengah, dan kepada pihak berkuasa Singapura untuk melaksanakan moratorium serta-merta ke atas hukuman mati, dan mengelak daripada mengeluarkan sebarang notis pelaksanaan.

*Pada 21 September 2025, keluarga Datchinamurthy Kataiah menerima berita bahawa hukuman mati ke atas beliau akan dilaksanakan pada 25 September 2025 di Penjara Changi.

Penandatangan:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Amnesty International
  3. Capital Punishment Justice Project
  4. Transformative Justice Collective (Singapore)
  5. Student Actions for Transformative Justice (SATU, Singapore)
  6. Alliance Against the Death Penalty (AADP, Singapore)
  7. Function 8 (Singapore)
  8. Center for Orang Asli Concerns
  9. Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law initiative
  10. Freedom Film Network
  11. Sebaran Kasih Malaysia
  12. ECPM (Together Against the Death Penalty)
  13. MADPET-Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture
  14. Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights
  15. Redemption Pakistan
  16. Workers Hub For Change (WH4C)
  17. North South Initiative
  18. Julian Wagner Memorial Fund Inc.
  19. Australians Against Capital Punishment
  20. The National Human Rights Society (HAKAM)
  21. Centre for Independent Journalism
  22. HAKAM
  23. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
  24. Coalition for Clean & Fair Election (BERSIH)
  25. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia [SABM]
  26. SIS Forum (Malaysia)
  27. TENAGANITA
  28. Maldivian Democracy Network
  29. Bersih
  30. KLSCAH Youth
  31. Puerto Rico Bar
  32. ALIRAN
  33. International Federation of Journalists

 

Baca kenyataan media bersama sini

Joint Statement | Malaysia and Singapore at a Crossroads: Stop Executions, Uphold Human Rights

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As five men are now believed to be at imminent risk in Singapore, we, the undersigned civil society organisations, call on the Singaporean authorities to immediately halt all executions. We also urge the Malaysian government to take all possible steps to protect the rights of its nationals facing execution in Singapore and to press for a complete end to the death penalty, at home and internationally.

Among those who are at imminent risk of execution are Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah, Pannir Selvam Pranthaman, Saminathan a/l Selvaraju, Lingkesvaran Rajendaren and Jumaat bin Mohamed Sayed. All of them were sentenced to death for drug trafficking, and have each spent seven to ten years on death row. While Jumaat is a Singaporean, the other four are Malaysians. The five of them had their most recent appeals dismissed, after many years of struggle for justice against all odds.

Singapore has already executed ten men, including two Malaysians, so far this year. In August 2025, Singapore’s Cabinet advised the President to grant clemency to one person on death row—the first time this has been done in almost three decades. While we welcome this rare decision, it only underscores the arbitrariness and cruelty of the death penalty for all others still at risk.

Individuals on death row in Singapore and their families are only given four to seven days’ notice of their execution. As we urge the authorities of both countries to protect human rights and end the death penalty, we also encourage Malaysians and Singaporeans to act now to help stop the imminent executions of these individuals; we cannot afford to wait, knowing that any of these individuals may get an execution notice in the coming days.

At this critical juncture, the Malaysian government must act decisively to protect the lives of its nationals and all those facing execution, as well as push for the abolition of the death penalty in the region. Many young Malaysians, often from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds, have been vulnerable to being recruited into the drug trade, and the Malaysian government has a moral duty to advocate for them, not leave them to die in foreign prisons. Having abolished the mandatory death penalty in 2023, as it continues its journey towards full abolition Malaysia must now go further by extending its advocacy to protect its nationals abroad who remain at risk under Singapore’s harsh and cruel mandatory death penalty regime.

Meanwhile, Singaporeans who are horrified by these executions must speak out against this inhumane punishment. Singapore is increasingly alone in the region in implementing the mandatory death penalty and carrying out executions for drug trafficking.

The Case of Pannir Selvam Pranthaman

One of the Malaysian nationals at grave risk is Pannir Selvam Pranthaman. His case is riddled with violations of international human rights law and standards, and demonstrates fundamental flaws in Singapore’s cruel capital punishment regime.

In 2017, Pannir was convicted of importing into Singapore 51.84g of diamorphine (heroin) and was sentenced to the mandatory death penalty. Despite evidence that he was a mere “courier” and had provided substantive information to the authorities, Singapore’s Attorney-General’s Chambers refused to issue Pannir a Certificate of Substantive Assistance. Without such a certificate, the court had no choice but to sentence him to death. Pannir, through his family, has shared information with the Royal Malaysia Police regarding syndicate operations along Malaysia’s shores. His case has also been affected by the lack of legal representation during police interrogation, restrictive laws that curtailed post-conviction appeals, the denial of legal aid at the post-appeal stage, and breaches of privileged communication between those facing the death penalty and lawyers.

On 5 September 2025, the Singapore Court of Appeal dismissed Pannir’s latest application for a stay of execution, even as his disciplinary complaint against his former lawyer remains unresolved. The court said in its judgment that the Law Society of Singapore may need to act urgently to “preserve” Pannir’s testimony before his execution—a shocking and macabre acknowledgment of the grave cruelty of his looming execution.

The Use of Legal Presumptions of Guilt in Capital Cases: A Valiant Fight by Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran and Jumaat

In August 2022, Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran and Jumaat filed a challenge against the constitutionality of the legal presumptions of guilt in relation to trafficking, possession and knowledge under Singapore’s Misuse of Drugs Act. They each had been convicted with reliance on two such presumptions contained in Section 18(1) and 18(2) of that Act.

The Misuse of Drugs Act allows legal presumptions to be used by the prosecution, whereby the burden of proof is shifted onto the defendant to be rebutted by them to the legal standard of “on a balance of probabilities”. While other jurisdictions such as Canada, Hong Kong and the United Kingdom have rejected the use of legal presumptions to be rebutted on the balance of probabilities—on the basis that it allows for an accused person to be convicted despite reasonable doubt still existing—Singapore continues to apply such legal presumptions in cases of trafficking, possession and knowledge in capital drug cases. Presumptions of guilt effectively undermine fair trial guarantees under international human rights law and violate the right to be presumed innocent, a peremptory norm of customary international law. Further, the presumption of possession and knowledge can be applied together in Singapore—the use of which has been described in other courts as a severe derogation from the presumption of innocence.

It was a long, arduous journey for the four men to see this challenge through. Legal aid schemes in Singapore do not cover the filing of extra-ordinary appeals. As they had no means to engage a lawyer privately, the four men were unrepresented for a long time, forcing them to appear in court without lawyers to argue their challenge by themselves. When foreign senior counsel offered to represent them pro bono, the court ruled that they would have to argue by themselves the request to admit these foreign counsels to represent them in Singapore —creating an outrageous situation in which persons on death row had to present highly technical legal arguments while the foreign senior lawyers could only watch. In the end, the Singapore Courts rejected their application to have these lawyers represent them.

It was only about two years after their constitutional challenge was filed that some local lawyers agreed to take on the case, which was dismissed last month. With the conclusion of this case, there is no longer any pending legal proceeding to prevent the Singaporean authorities from scheduling their executions.

Grave Concerns Over Other Violations of International Human Rights Law and Standards

We remind the Singaporean authorities that international safeguards on the use of the death penalty prohibit carrying out executions while appeals or other recourse procedures are pending. Surely it can be recognised that Pannir’s involvement—to instruct counsel, give testimony and respond to any evidence raised by his former lawyer—is the only way to ensure a fair outcome in his complaint lodged with the Law Society of Singapore. This is especially critical given that the complaint includes a direct conversation involving Pannir and his former lawyer; and that several other persons on death row who had also filed complaints against this same lawyer have already been executed before their testimonies could be heard.

Like Pannir, both Datchinamurthy and Saminathan also had their private correspondence copied and forwarded by the Singapore Prison Service, without authorisation, to the Attorney-General’s Chambers—an act that Singapore’s Court of Appeal has ruled to be unlawful.

Individuals on death row in Singapore have raised serious concerns about the extremely prohibitive barriers that they face in filing legal applications after their criminal appeal has concluded. They have also repeatedly brought up how difficult it is for them to engage lawyers in Singapore, given the risk of onerous fines, reprimands and costs that lawyers have to bear for taking up capital cases at later stages. Conditions on death row in Singapore have worsened over the years, with prisoners enduring isolation in solitary cells, severely restricted communications between them and their loved ones, and the prison authorities making it close to impossible for persons involved in the same legal challenge to confer with one another.

The death penalty for drug offences violates international human rights law and standards, which limit the use of capital punishment only to the “most serious crimes”, understood as intentional killing. Drug trafficking does not meet this threshold. Both the United Nations Human Rights Committee and the United Nations Special Rapporteurs have consistently affirmed this position. Yet the vast majority of executions that take place in Singapore are carried out as part of the country’s extremely punitive “war on drugs”—demonstrating how far out of step Singapore is with the international community when it comes to human rights and justice.

Lawrence Wong’s New Premiership

As Singapore’s new prime minister, Lawrence Wong has an opportunity to take the momentous step of leading Singapore away from the cruel and inhumane use of the death penalty that has taken hundreds of lives since independence. Imposing an immediate moratorium on executions and repealing the mandatory death penalty would be critical urgent steps that he could lead on, with a view towards full abolition. This will not only spare the many people currently on death row, but also ensure that Singapore is not left behind by the international trend away from the use of capital punishment.

Prime Minister Wong has so far not made any public statements on Singapore’s use of the death penalty. However, the first clemency granted to a death row prisoner in 27 years—which would not have been possible without Wong’s Cabinet advising President Tharman Shanmugaratnam to do so—shows that change is possible. Prime Minister Wong should not remain silent on this issue, and should demonstrate leadership in ending Singapore’s use of the death penalty.

Malaysia’s Role as ASEAN Chair: A Chance to Lead on Abolition

Malaysia’s abolition of the mandatory death penalty came into effect in July 2023, preceding a comprehensive resentencing process in court for all individuals sentenced to the mandatory death penalty prior to the amendments, including those convicted of drug trafficking. As a result, most death sentences have been set aside and replaced with 30 to 40 years imprisonment and, when applicable, whipping.

We are encouraged by the recent announcement that the moratorium on executions continues to be observed in Malaysia and that a new study is being commissioned to consider the potential abolition of the death penalty. As the current Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Malaysia is uniquely positioned to champion human rights in the region. Malaysia’s intervention in these cases would not only demonstrate its commitment to support its nationals facing execution abroad, but also its leadership in advancing a human rights agenda within ASEAN.

We call on the authorities of the two countries to:

  1. Engage in swift and effective intervention: Utilise all available channels, including direct diplomatic appeals to urge the Government of Singapore to halt the executions of Datchinamurthy, Pannir, Saminathan, and Lingkesvaran, and to prevent further executions from taking place in Singapore, including those that would be unlawful under international law and standards;
  2. Leverage ASEAN mechanisms and lead by example: Utilise Malaysia’s position as ASEAN Chair to advocate for regional cooperation to abolish the death penalty, while moving towards full abolition at home to set a strong example for the region.
  3. Commit to steps toward full abolition of the death penalty: Implement or maintain a moratorium on executions, and commission independent, evidence-based and transparent studies on moving away from capital punishment.

This is not merely about saving the lives of a select few men languishing on death row in Singapore’s Changi Prison. It is about ending the cruelty of the death penalty, ensuring that both Singapore and Malaysia uphold the dignity and rights of all, and demonstrating the leadership needed to move their countries and the region towards abolition.

We call on the Malaysian Government to act without delay, and on the Singaporean authorities to implement an immediate moratorium on the death penalty, and refrain from issuing any execution notices.

*On 21 September 2025, Datchinamurthy Kataiah’s family received news that his execution will be carried out on 25 September, 2025 at Changi Prison.

Signatories:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Amnesty International
  3. Capital Punishment Justice Project
  4. Transformative Justice Collective (Singapore)
  5. Student Actions for Transformative Justice (SATU, Singapore)
  6. Alliance Against the Death Penalty (AADP, Singapore)
  7. Function 8 (Singapore)
  8. Center for Orang Asli Concerns
  9. Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law initiative
  10. Freedom Film Network
  11. Sebaran Kasih Malaysia
  12. ECPM (Together Against the Death Penalty)
  13. MADPET-Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture
  14. Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights
  15. Redemption Pakistan
  16. Workers Hub For Change (WH4C)
  17. North South Initiative
  18. Julian Wagner Memorial Fund Inc.
  19. Australians Against Capital Punishment
  20. The National Human Rights Society (HAKAM)
  21. Centre for Independent Journalism
  22. HAKAM
  23. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
  24. Coalition for Clean & Fair Election (BERSIH)
  25. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia [SABM]
  26. SIS Forum (Malaysia)
  27. TENAGANITA
  28. Maldivian Democracy Network
  29. Bersih
  30. KLSCAH Youth
  31. Puerto Rico Bar
  32. ALIRAN
  33. International Federation of Journalists

 

Read the full joint media statement here

隆雪华青声援马大新青年 呼吁正面看待青年讨论政策

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隆雪华青声援马大新青年发表对大专入学机制的立场，并呼吁各界人士积极看待青年发声，而非引用恶法打压异议。

近日，马大新青年表示统一入学考试乃是解决大专入学机制不公根属方式，不料却遭有心人曲解本意，将入学不公炒作成种族议题。雪上加霜的是，部分人士针对马大新青年的立场报警，而警方也宣称将会在“破坏社会安宁罪”下调查马大新青年。

隆雪华青捍卫马大新青年的言论自由，并强调该组织只是针对时事课题表达立场，属青年参与政策讨论的方式。不论各界是否同意他们的立场，应理性回应，而非透过报警、用公权力与恶法打压意见不同的人。我们提醒，政府早已把投票年龄下调至18岁，若青年无法表达政见，站在投票箱前的他们又该如何抉择？此外，利用法律打压青年发表言论，有违朝野一致通过的18岁投票修宪案及赋权年轻人的共识。

隆雪华青也表示，每个人都有权针对大专录取机制直抒己见，若是因意见不合就要报警，岂非造成社会不安，人人自危，联邦宪法底下都赋予的言论自由也会毁于一旦。

最后，隆雪华青强调此次风波根源在于国立大专录取机制的不透明，因此政府应该正视问题，而非解决提出问题的人。我们再次强调母会立场，即促请政府重塑现有的 UPU录取机制，落实统一的公立大学入学考试制度，以同一试卷、同一录取标准评估所有入学申请，才能避免人才外流。

隆雪华青也呼吁警方立即停止调查马大新青年，并要求政府保障青年的言论自由，避免积极参与政策讨论的青年遭受网络霸凌，让每个公民都能行驶宪法所赋予的权利。

Joint Statement of Malaysian Trade Union and Civil Society Organisations：Boycott the Myanmar Junta’s Sham Elections

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Today, 15th September, on the occasion of International Democracy Day, we, the undersigned trade unions, labour organisations, and civil society organisations in the Malaysia, issue this joint statement to unequivocally condemn the Myanmar military junta’s dangerous manoeuvring to legitimise its dictatorship through sham elections scheduled on 28th December.

A Mockery of Democracy

Today, as the world celebrates the principles of democracy—including the free and fair elections, Myanmar’s illegal military junta stands exposed for its relentless assault on those very ideals. The so-called “elections” orchestrated by the military regime are not a restoration of democracy but but a calculated ploy to entrench military rule and extend authoritarian control. These polls are conducted amid systematic violence, mass detentions, the dismantling of genuine opposition, and the exclusion of millions through conflict and displacement. These are conditions fundamentally hostile to free, fair, and participatory elections.

Since the coup in February 2021, the junta has waged a campaign of terror and repression against the people of Myanmar. Over 5,000 civilians have been killed, more than 30,000 arbitrarily detained, and hundreds of thousands displaced. Trade unions have been systematically targeted, with at least 151 trade union leaders arrested and 37 killed for their activism. These attacks have dismantled fundamental freedoms, including the right to freedom of association and collective bargaining.

The junta’s assault on freedom of expression has also intensified. At least 11 media workers have been killed since the coup. Over 220 journalists from more than 100 media outlets have been detained, with 176 of them charged under nine separate laws, including incitement, “false news,” and sweeping counter-terrorism provisions. As of July 2025, 49 journalists remained behind bars.

To make matters worse, the junta has rebranded its governing body from the “State Administration Council” (SAC) to the “State Security and Peace Commission” (SSPC).  This rebranding is a strategic ploy to circumvent international sanctions. The name may have changed, but the violence, repression, and impunity remain the same.

The world must not forget the junta’s blatant refusal to honor the people’s landslide verdict in the 1990 election, or how it rigged the 2010 vote to install a quasi-civilian government that tricked many into believing in a false dawn of reform. To be deceived again by the same playbook would be a willful disregard of history and a betrayal of the Myanmar people’s enduring and bloody struggle for genuine democracy.

Elections held under martial law, with legitimate and independent political parties banned, journalists silenced, and entire regions subjected to occupation and terror, are a mockery of democracy. They are not a pathway to restoration—they are a deliberate façade. The military’s “roadmap” is paved with bloodshed, intimidation, and exclusion; it leads only to permanent authoritarianism and continued suffering for the people of Myanmar.

Here in Malaysia, the call for free and fair elections is not an abstract concept; it is a core principle of our own democratic struggle. Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s political legacy is intrinsically linked to this struggle, having been a central figure in the BERSIH movement in early days. The very principles of transparency, fairness, and respect for the people’s will that he championed on the streets of Kuala Lumpur must now be applied with moral clarity from the Chair of ASEAN. To remain silent or offer tacit acceptance of the junta’s electoral charade would be a profound contradiction of his unwavering domestic stance. Consistency demands that a leader who fights for clean elections at home must unequivocally condemn fabricated elections abroad; this is therefore not just a foreign policy issue, but a test of the principles that form the bedrock of his leadership.

We therefore issue this urgent call to the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim, as the Chair of ASEAN to rally Malaysia and other ASEAN governments to:

1.    Reject the Myanmar junta’s sham elections: Denounce and do not recognize the elections’ legitimacy, outcome, or any governing structure that arises from them. These elections must be exposed as political manoeuvre to consolidate military rule and whitewash human rights abuses.

2.    Boycott the sham elections: We call on all democratic forces, inside and outside Myanmar, to actively boycott these sham elections. Participation will only serve to whitewash military atrocities and undermine the democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar.

3.    Maintain and Enforce Sanctions: Close the loophole created by the junta’s rebranding of the SAC to the SSPC and to relentlessly continue to enforce and monitor sanctions.  Any failure to sanction the SSPC as the direct continuation of the SAC will embolden the junta and undermine global accountability efforts.

There Can Be No Democracy Without the People

The people of Myanmar have already spoken. Through mass protests, civil disobedience, and ongoing resistance, they have made clear that they reject military rule and demand a genuine democratic transition.

We stand in solidarity with Myanmar’s workers, youth, ethnic nationalities, and democratic forces. We will not normalize dictatorship. We will not remain silent. And we will not allow this electoral charade to subvert the sovereign will of the people who determined to be free.

 

Read the full joint statement here

隆雪华青促展延《城市翻新法令》：捍卫居住正义，拒绝发展商圈地。

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隆雪华青呼吁房屋及地方政府部长倪可敏，立即展延原定于周四进行二读的《城市翻新法令》，展开更广泛公众咨询与实质修正，确保法令能够保障居民福祉与城市可持续发展，而非交由发展商主导。

隆雪华青认为，现有的《城市翻新法令》架构，本质上更倾向于满足发展商的土地整合与项目便利，缺乏《新城市议程》“以人为本”的核心概念，缺乏全面规划视角，没有把翻新作为改善社区宜居性与长期可持续的契机，反而容易沦为发展商的新一轮圈地工具。

部长声称法案已进行106次咨询，然而隆雪华青质疑，为何现有法案没有规定强制性的社会影响评估（SIA），同时缺乏独立监督机制。任何由部长、官员和地方政府组成的执行委员会，都无法真正保障居民权益，甚至存有政治与发展商利益凌驾于公共利益之风险。

更令人担忧的是，法令虽然对业主提供了基本补偿与安置机制，却完全忽视租户的权益。在大城市中，许多低收入家庭、年轻打工者都是租房而居。一旦城市翻新启动，便将边缘化此群体，不但获无赔偿，也无家可归。为此，我们呼吁政府借鉴新加坡与香港机制，为公宅租户提供替代单位，或为居民与部分租户提供过渡住房或租金补贴。

隆雪华青重申，城市翻新固然重要，但我们反对在缺乏监督、偏向发展商的模式下草率推进此议程。根据联合国人居署所倡导的《新城市议程》，任何城市更新都必须以“可持续发展”、“社会公平”与“保障弱势群体”为核心，确保发展不以牺牲低收入者及租客为代价。马来西亚作为现任联合国人居署大会主席国，更应以身作则，把“以人为本、不让任何人掉队”的原则落实在国内政策之中。

因此，我们敦促倪可敏部长立即展延《城市翻新法令》，重新开展真正的公众协商，并确保法案符合国际规范与全民福祉，而不是成为发展商的新特权。

Kuala Lumpur Zine Etc 2025

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The 3-day KL Zine Fest is coming to The KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH)!

Kuala Lumpur Zine Etc 2025 is a three-day festival aimed at celebrating and promoting zine culture, self-publishing, local history, cultural writing, and the DIY spirit.

This festival seeks to strengthen the local creative community and foster cultural exchange by providing a platform for local readers and zine makers to showcase, learn and collaborate.

Featuring over 30 zine makers and independent publishers from local and other Asia regions (Singapore, Indonesia, Hong Kong, Taiwan), to participate in this festival.

Besides the zine market, KL Zine etc. will also organize an exciting lineup of event, including workshops, talks, exhibitions, and documentary screenings.

If you’re interested in zine culture and self-independent publishing, this is an event you won’t want to miss!

Event Details:

Date: 1 – 3 August 2025 (Fri – Sun)
Time: 11 AM – 7 PM
Venue: The KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH)

Co-organizers:
Rumah Attap Library & Collective, indie bookshop Tokosue, online bookstore Otter is Reading, KLSCAH Youth, as well as friends and supporters of the original KL Zine Fest.

Ticket Price: RM10
(Each ticket comes with a RM5 voucher valid for purchasing zines and merchandise at the fest!)

Workshop Registration: https://forms.gle/S8EskzWUC2YU8iLo6

More event info, visit: https://www.instagram.com/klzineetc

The Teoh Beng Hock Case: A Test of Pakatan Harapan’s Moral Backbone Youth Voters May Deliver a Harsh Verdict in the Next General Election

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1. On the anniversary of Teoh Beng Hock’s death, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) Chief Commissioner Azam Baki issued an apology. Soon after, the Democratic Action Party (DAP) leaders held a press conference to apologize to Teoh’s family and urged them to accept “unconditional” monetary compensation.

2. Yet, perplexingly, neither the government nor the political party has confronted the core of the case — the three simple, powerful demands of Teoh’s family: seeking truth, ii. realising justice, and iii. systemic reform. Even more disappointing is the collective absence and severe dereliction of duty by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Minister of Home Affairs Saifuddin Nasution Ismail on this major human rights issue.

3. An apology cannot replace the judiciary, and compensation does not equate to justice. Any attempt to “settle” this case with money or to diminish it as a private arrangement between a political party and the grieving family would, in fact, condone institutional violence. It allows state power to override the law and breeds a dangerous culture of impunity.

4. An apology without criminal accountability is merely a fig leaf for a culture of impunity; compensation without full truth is more like an ‘indulgence’ for institutional murder. Without action, talk of transitional justice becomes empty noise, and promises of reform become pale, brittle, and meaningless.

5. We are particularly alarmed that, even as the controversy over the “no further action” (NFA) decision in the Teoh Beng Hock case unfolds, both the Prime Minister and the Home Minister remain nowhere to be seen. On the international stage, Prime Minister Anwar’s presence is widely seen. Just one day after Teoh Beng Hock’s death anniversary, the Prime Minister rightly condemned Israel’s unjust air strikes on Syria, which is commendable. However, we urge Prime Minister Anwar to demonstrate the same resolve in addressing long-standing domestic injustices, such as the Teoh Beng Hock case. Only then can his government be seen as consistent in defending human rights at home and abroad. Otherwise, his spirited pronouncements on human rights risk becoming an international laughingstock.

6. We believe that a case involving human life, abuse of state power, and national integrity should not be addressed by departmental levels or individual political parties. Therefore, we demand that the Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs personally and directly respond to Teoh’s family’s three core demands:

a. Seek Truth: We demand that the government, in accordance with the Court of Appeal’s ruling, establish an independent, professional international criminal investigation team to thoroughly investigate the death and apprehend all MACC officers involved.

b. Reliase Justice: Prosecute and convict officials who violated human rights under Sections 302 or 304 of the Penal Code.

c. Reform the System: Expedite legislative reforms to prevent deaths in custody due to abuse of power by enforcement officers. This includes amending Section 30 of the MACC Act to limit interrogation and statement-taking times and enacting comprehensive anti-torture legislation.

7. We remind Pakatan Harapan to clarify its responsibilities as the ruling party and to stop dwelling in the “good old days” of being in opposition or glorifying past efforts. Back then, Pakatan Harapan leaders righteously criticized the former administration’s incompetence and pleaded with voters for a mandate to enter Putrajaya to seek justice for Teoh Beng Hock. Now, as the government, Pakatan Harapan which sits in the executive branch, holds investigative, enforcement, and prosecutorial powers. The position of Minister of Home Affairs is even held by a PKR Senator. Pakatan Harapan has no excuse to continue shirking responsibility.

8. As the executive power, there is no need for Pakatan Harapan or DAP to initiate judicial review just to re-examine the NFA decision. The government, which holds investigative and prosecutorial powers, need not wait for court rulings to seek truth and promote transformative justice. Since 2018, Pakatan Harapan has been in power for nearly 52 months, or over four years, and should not use “reform takes time” as an excuse to delay responsibility.

9. We once again call on the government to demonstrate political resolve and directly address Teoh’s family’s three demands.

10. As the ancient wisdom teaches:

  • To be without compassion is not to be human;
  • To feel no shame is not to be human;
  • To lack humility is not to be human;
  • To be indifferent to right and wrong is not to be human

11. The Teoh Beng Hock case is a benchmark for political morality and governance. Sixteen years of unredressed injustice serves as a test of whether our political leaders still uphold the baseline of humanity, conscience, morality, and the system.

12. We warn that the upcoming responses from Prime Minister Anwar, DAP, and Pakatan Harapan will profoundly influence how the youth and university students evaluate you — not just as politicians, but as leaders. If you continue to dodge the core issues, we will not forget. And we will respond with our votes in the next general election.

 

 Endorsed by:

  1. KLSCAH Youth 隆雪华青
  2. ⁠University of Malaya Association for New Youth (UMANY) 马大新青年
  3. ⁠MANDIRI
  4. Liga Demokratik Rakyat
  5. HAYAT
  6. ⁠Undi 18
  7. Klima Action Malaysia (KAMY)
  8. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  9. ⁠New Era University College Student Union 新纪元大学学院学生会
  10. ⁠STUDENT PROGRESSIVE FRONT UUM
  11. Federasi Pemuda Kebangsaan
  12. ⁠Himpunan Advokasi Rakyat Malaysia (HARAM)
  13. Demokrat Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (Demokrat UKM)
  14. ⁠Ikatan Mahasiswa Demokratik Malaysia
  15. ⁠Pertubuhan Mahasiswa Kongres Gombak (CONGRESS)
  16. Suara Mahasiswa UMS
  17. Liga Mahasiswa Malaysia
  18. ⁠⁠Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Teknologi Malaysia
  19. ⁠⁠Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sains Malaysia
  20. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Malaya
  21. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin
  22. ⁠⁠Pejuang Siswa UM
  23. ⁠Gerakan Mahasiswa Maju UPM
  24. Ikatan Anak Muda Tawau – IKAT
  25. ⁠⁠Gerakan Perempuan Melawan
  26. Kesatuan Mahasiswa Universiti Alternatif
  27. Borneo Komrad
  28. Malacca Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section 马六甲中华大会堂青年团
  29. Pemuda Pertubuhan Penganut Dewa Heng Soon Kong Tai Bak Gong Senai
  30. ⁠GERAKAN MAHASISWA MAJU UPM
  31. ⁠GenZScope
  32. Persatuan Kawan Karib Melaka
  33. ⁠Selangor and KL Hokkien Association Youth Section 雪隆福青
  34. Kuala Lumpur Eng Choon Hoey Kuan Youth Section吉隆坡永春会馆青年团
  35. Pertubuhan Anak Muda Maju
  36. ⁠⁠The Selangor and KL Nan Ann Association Youth Section雪隆南安青
  37. Angkatan Generasi Insaf 新华青
  38. Agora Society Malaysia 群议社
  39. ⁠Persatuan Kwang Tung Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur Youth Section 雪隆广东会馆青年部
  40. Persatuan Bahasa Cina Universiti Malaya 马来亚大学华文学会
  41. Gerakan Belia Sepunjabi Malaysia (GBSM)
  42. Cahaya Society
  43. Sunway University Chinese Cultural Society 双威大学华文学会
  44. Youth Bureau of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall 森美兰中华大会堂青年团The Teoh Beng Hock Case: A Test of Pakatan Harapan’s Moral Backbone Youth Voters May Deliver a Harsh Verdict in the Next General Election

Kes Kematian Teoh Beng Hock: Ukuran Nilai Kemanusiaan dan Integriti Pakatan Harapan

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1. Pada hari memperingati pemergian mendiang Teoh Beng Hock, Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM, Tan Sri Azam Baki mengeluarkan kenyataan memohon maaf, manakala pimpinan DAP pula mengadakan sidang media untuk memohon maaf dan menggesa keluarga Teoh agar menerima bayaran pampasan kewangan secara tanpa syarat.

2. Namun amat mengecewakan, baik pihak kerajaan mahupun parti politik seakan-akan mengelak daripada menangani inti pati sebenar kes ini, iaitu tiga tuntutan utama keluarga Teoh: i. mencari kebenaran, ii. menegakkan keadilan dan iii. melaksanakan reformasi institusi.

3. Sekiranya kerajaan cuba menutup kes ini dengan pampasan wang ringgit, atau memperkecilkan tragedi ini kepada urusan peribadi antara DAP dan keluarga mangsa, implikasinya adalah ia akan membiarkan penyalahgunaan kuasa dalam institusi berleluasa serta menyemarakkan budaya ‘bebas daripada hukuman’ dalam kalangan penguatkuasa.

4. Lebih mengecewakan lagi, Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim dan Menteri Dalam Negeri Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution masih membisu mengenai isu hak asasi manusia yang penting ini sejak pengumuman keputusan NFA (no further action). Hal ini satu kegagalan kepemimpinan yang serius.

5. Perdana Menteri sering tampil di pentas antarabangsa; contohnya, sehari selepas ulang tahun kematian mendiang Teoh Beng Hock, beliau mengecam serangan udara Israel terhadap Syria. Pendirian ini wajar dipuji. Namun kami mendesak Perdana Menteri untuk menunjukkan kelantangan dan komitmen yang sama dalam menangani ketidakadilan di dalam negara, seperti kes Teoh Beng Hock. Jika tidak, komitmen hak asasi manusia kerajaan hanya akan dilihat sebagai retorik kosong dan bahan ketawa di mata dunia.

6. Kes ini melibatkan nyawa seorang rakyat, penyalahgunaan kuasa awam, integriti institusi, dan maruah negara. Oleh itu, kami mendesak Perdana Menteri dan Menteri Dalam Negeri sendiri tampil menjawab tiga tuntutan keluarga Teoh:

a. Mencari Kebenaran: Menubuhkan pasukan siasatan jenayah antarabangsa dan profesional yang bebas, seperti yang disarankan oleh keputusan Mahkamah Rayuan, untuk menyiasat kematian ini secara menyeluruh dan mengenakan tindakan terhadap semua pegawai SPRM yang terlibat.

b.Tegakkan Keadilan: Mendakwa dan mensabitkan kesalahan terhadap pegawai yang melanggar hak asasi manusia bawah Seksyen 302 atau 304 Kanun Keseksaan.

c. Reformasi Institusi: Melaksanakan pindaan undang-undang dengan segera bagi mengelakkan kematian dalam tahanan akibat salah guna kuasa. Ini termasuk meminda Seksyen 30 Akta SPRM yang berkait dengan had masa soal siasat dan rakaman kenyataan, serta menggubal undang-undang menentang penyiksaan.

7. Kami juga ingin mengingatkan Pakatan Harapan tentang tanggungjawabnya sebagai parti komponen pemerintah. Dahulu, pimpinan PH lantang mengkritik kelemahan kerajaan lama dan memohon mandat rakyat untuk menuntut keadilan buat mendiang Teoh Beng Hock. Hari ini, setelah mendapat kuasa pentadbiran, siasatan, penguatkuasaan dan pendakwaan, dengan portfolio Menteri Dalam Negeri disandang oleh senator PKR sendiri, PH tidak lagi boleh beralasan atau menuding jari.

8. Dengan kuasa siasatan dan pendakwaan yang ada, kerajaan boleh dan wajar menyiasat semula dan mengambil tindakan sewajarnya. Malah, setelah hampir 52 bulan atau lebih 4 tahun mentadbir mulai tahun 2018, alasan “reformasi perlukan masa” tidak lagi boleh diterima.

9. Kami sekali lagi menyeru kerajaan untuk menunjukkan keazaman politik dan memberikan maklum balas secara langsung terhadap tiga tuntutan keluarga Teoh.

10. Jika tiada rasa belas kasihan, bukanlah ia manusia; Jika tiada rasa malu dan benci kejahatan, bukanlah ia manusia; Jika tiada rasa rendah diri dan tolak ansur, bukanlah ia manusia; Jika tiada rasa benar dan silapnya, bukanlah ia manusia.

11. Kes Teoh Beng Hock adalah tanda aras kepada moral politik dan keinsafan pentadbiran. Enam belas tahun telah berlalu, keadilan masih belum ditegakkan. Kes ini menguji sejauh mana pemimpin negara sanggup mempertahankan nilai kemanusiaan, nurani, etika dan prinsip kedaulatan undang-undang.

12. Pendekatan Perdana Menteri Anwar, DAP, dan Pakatan Harapan dalam isu ini akan dinilai oleh para anak muda serta mahasiswa. Jika mereka terus mengelak atau berdolak-dalih, undi kami akan menjadi hukuman terhadap mereka pada pilihan raya akan datang.

 

Disokong oleh:

  1. ⁠KLSCAH Youth 隆雪华青
  2. University of Malaya Association for New Youth (UMANY) 马大新青年
  3. MANDIRI
  4. Liga Demokratik Rakyat
  5. HAYAT
  6. Undi 18
  7. Klima Action Malaysia (KAMY)
  8. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  9. New Era University College Student Union 新纪元大学学院学生会
  10. STUDENT PROGRESSIVE FRONT UUM
  11. Federasi Pemuda Kebangsaan
  12. Himpunan Advokasi Rakyat Malaysia (HARAM)
  13. Demokrat Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (Demokrat UKM)
  14. ⁠Ikatan Mahasiswa Demokratik Malaysia
  15. Pertubuhan Mahasiswa Kongres Gombak (CONGRESS)
  16. Suara Mahasiswa UMS
  17. Liga Mahasiswa Malaysia
  18. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Teknologi Malaysia
  19. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sains Malaysia
  20. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Malaya
  21. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin
  22. Pejuang Siswa UM
  23. Gerakan Mahasiswa Maju UPM
  24. Ikatan Anak Muda Tawau – IKAT
  25. Gerakan Perempuan Melawan
  26. Kesatuan Mahasiswa Universiti Alternatif
  27. Borneo Komrad
  28. Malacca Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section 马六甲中华大会堂青年团
  29. Pemuda Pertubuhan Penganut Dewa Heng Soon Kong Tai Bak Gong Senai
  30. GERAKAN MAHASISWA MAJU UPM
  31. GenZScope
  32. Persatuan Kawan Karib Melaka
  33. Selangor and KL Hokkien Association Youth Section 雪隆福青
  34. Kuala Lumpur Eng Choon Hoey Kuan Youth Section吉隆坡永春会馆青年团
  35. Pertubuhan Anak Muda Maju
  36. The Selangor and KL Nan Ann Association Youth Section雪隆南安青
  37. Angkatan Generasi Insaf 新华青
  38. Agora Society Malaysia 群议社
  39. Persatuan Kwang Tung Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur Youth Section雪隆广东会馆青年部
  40. Persatuan Bahasa Cina Universiti Malaya 马来亚大学华文学会
  41. Gerakan Belia Sepunjabi Malaysia (GBSM)
  42. Cahaya Society
  43. Sunway University Chinese Cultural Society 双威大学华文学会
  44. Youth Bureau of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall 森美兰中华大会堂青年团

赵明福案：检验希盟人性与道德底线 青年选民或在下届大选作出严厉审判

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在赵明福忌日之际，反贪污委员会（MACC）主席阿占巴基发表道歉声明，民主行动党领袖更召开记者会，向赵家道歉并呼吁家属接受“无条件”的金钱赔偿。令人费解的是，政府与政党都回避案件核心——赵家的三大诉求：寻求真相、实现正义和改革制度。更令人失望的是，首相安华与内政部长赛夫丁在此重大人权议题上集体缺席，严重失责。

道歉不能替代司法，赔偿不等于正义。若企图以金钱“了结”此案，或将之矮化为政党与家属的私相授受，实则是纵容制度暴力，使公权力凌驾于法律之上，助长免责文化歪风。

没有刑事问责的道歉，不过是免责文化的遮羞布；没有真相的赔偿，终将沦为制度杀人的赎罪券。转型正义变相空谈，改革承诺也苍白无力、毫无意义。

此外，我们感叹，自赵明福NFA案件发酵至今，首相安华与内政部长赛夫丁至今不见踪影。在国际舞台上，首相安华身影四处可见。就如在赵明福忌日隔日，首相便谴责以色列空袭叙利亚不义之举，值得嘉许。但是，我们敦促首相安华也应拿出同等魄力，关注国内长期以来的不公不义，如赵明福案件，建立国内外言行一致、捍卫人权的公信力，否则精神喊话只会沦为国际笑柄。

我们认为，一个关系人命、公权力与国家诚信的案件，不应由部门层级或个别政党代为发言。为此，我们要求首相与内政部长亲自回应赵家三大诉求。

一、寻求真相：要求政府根据上诉庭裁决，成立独立专业国际刑事调查团队彻查命案，将所有涉案反贪会官员逮捕归案；

二、实现正义：以《刑事法典》第302或304条，将侵犯人权的官员检控定罪；

三、改革制度：尽快修法，杜绝执法人员滥权导致扣留所死亡，包括修订《反贪会法令》第30条限制盘问和录供时间，并制定反酷刑法规。

我们提醒希盟务必厘清自己作为执政党的职责，勿再沉浸于反对党美好年代或歌颂过往努力。当初，希盟领袖义正言辞批评前朝无能，恳求选民委托进入布城，为明福讨回公道。而如今身为政府，希盟早已掌握行政权、调查权、执法权与提控权，内政部长一职更是由公正党议员出任，希盟无借口再继续推卸责任。

作为行政权，希盟或行动党无需发动司法审核来检讨NFA决定；掌握调查权与提控权的政府，也无需等法院判决才可寻找真相、推动转型正义。况且希盟前后执政近52个月或4年多，不该以 “改革需要时间” 为由推拖责任。我们再次呼吁政府展现政治决心，直球回应赵家三大诉求。

无恻隐之心，非人也；无羞恶之心，非人也；无辞让之心，非人也；无是非之心，非人也。

赵明福案是政治道德与执政修养的标尺。十六载沉冤未雪，它检验着政治领袖是否坚守人性、良知、道德与制度的底线。我们警告，首相安华、行动党与希盟接下来的回应，将深刻影响青年与大专生对你们的政治评估。若继续避重就轻，我们将在下一届大选，以选票作出严厉审判。

 

联署单位:

  1. ⁠KLSCAH Youth 隆雪华青
  2. University of Malaya Association for New Youth (UMANY) 马大新青年
  3. MANDIRI
  4. Liga Demokratik Rakyat
  5. HAYAT
  6. Undi 18
  7. Klima Action Malaysia (KAMY)
  8. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  9. New Era University College Student Union 新纪元大学学院学生会
  10. STUDENT PROGRESSIVE FRONT UUM
  11. Federasi Pemuda Kebangsaan
  12. Himpunan Advokasi Rakyat Malaysia (HARAM)
  13. Demokrat Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (Demokrat UKM)
  14. ⁠Ikatan Mahasiswa Demokratik Malaysia
  15. Pertubuhan Mahasiswa Kongres Gombak (CONGRESS)
  16. Suara Mahasiswa UMS
  17. Liga Mahasiswa Malaysia
  18. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Teknologi Malaysia
  19. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sains Malaysia
  20. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Malaya
  21. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin
  22. Pejuang Siswa UM
  23. Gerakan Mahasiswa Maju UPM
  24. Ikatan Anak Muda Tawau – IKAT
  25. Gerakan Perempuan Melawan
  26. Kesatuan Mahasiswa Universiti Alternatif
  27. Borneo Komrad
  28. Malacca Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section 马六甲中华大会堂青年团
  29. Pemuda Pertubuhan Penganut Dewa Heng Soon Kong Tai Bak Gong Senai
  30. GERAKAN MAHASISWA MAJU UPM
  31. GenZScope
  32. Persatuan Kawan Karib Melaka
  33. Selangor and KL Hokkien Association Youth Section 雪隆福青
  34. Kuala Lumpur Eng Choon Hoey Kuan Youth Section吉隆坡永春会馆青年团
  35. Pertubuhan Anak Muda Maju
  36. The Selangor and KL Nan Ann Association Youth Section雪隆南安青
  37. Angkatan Generasi Insaf 新华青
  38. Agora Society Malaysia 群议社
  39. ⁠Persatuan Kwang Tung Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur Youth Section雪隆广东会馆青年部
  40. Persatuan Bahasa Cina Universiti Malaya 马来亚大学华文学会
  41. Gerakan Belia Sepunjabi Malaysia (GBSM)
  42. Cahaya Society
  43. Sunway University Chinese Cultural Society 双威大学华文学会
  44. Youth Bureau of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall 森美兰中华大会堂青年团