停止打压明福组织 改革警队刻不容缓

/in , /by

我们，联署的青年组织，谴责警方在新古毛补选中阻扰赵明福民主促进会的“寻相行动”，并援引刑事法典504条文（蓄意羞辱、破坏安宁）及选举罪行法令第4A条文(散播仇恨和不满）调查该会主席黄业华和赵明福胞妹赵丽兰的举动。

尽管多名朝野政治领袖批评警方行为，倪可敏部长也表示通过内部管道要求停止调查，警方却把调查转交警察总部武吉安曼处理。警方一意孤行打压社会运动，仿佛让国民回到国阵统治的政治高压时代。

我们强调，世界人权宣言阐明人人有和平表达的自由。希盟领袖有上街参与净选盟大集会和反莱纳斯大集会的自由，明福促进会自然也有到补选抗议首相安华冷待赵明福命案的自由。改朝换代后，领导团结政府的希盟绝不能放任警方侵犯国民的基本人权，让我国的民主进程倒退。

警队冥顽不灵，归根究底是团结政府没有落实改革警队和维护人权的新政策。警队的形象在多宗扣留所死亡、骚扰社运分子、强迫失踪、强暴、勒索的案件下，已经大受打击。可是改革议程一直没有摆上团结政府的议程。

因此，我们呼吁政府马上停止打压明福促进会，撤销莫须有的恶意调查。改革警队也到了刻不容缓的地步，我们要求政府大刀阔斧整顿警察体系，打造一支尊重人权和人民表达自由的独立和专业警队。

1. 北大前进阵线Student Progressive Front UUM
2. 北大学声阵线 Suara Siswa UUM
3. 拉曼学生联盟 Rahman Student League
4. ⁠拉曼团结联盟 Rahman Solidarity League
5. 马大新青年 UMANY
6. 隆雪华青 KLSCAH Youth
7. 博大前进阵线 Gerakan Mahasiswa Maju UPM
8. 乃恒顺港大伯公庙青年团

 

八青年组织联合文告

2024年5月11日

Surat Terbuka Kepada YAB Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Perdana Menteri Malaysia

/in , /by

Kami, pertubuhan masyarakat sivil, badan pemikir dan kumpulan mahasiswa menyatakan kegusaran terhadap pelantikan Pengerusi Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) yang baharu. Pengerusi sekarang, Abdul
Ghani Salleh, akan bersara wajib pada 9 Mei 2024 sekaligus menjadikan kerusi terpenting di dalam SPR akan dikosongkan. Hari ini juga kebetulannya adalah ulang tahun keenam PRU14 di mana Malaysia
mengalami perubahan secara demokratik buat pertama kalinya, namun reformasi pilihan raya masih belum menampakkan sebarang tanda-tanda.

SPR merupakan badan yang utama untuk menjalankan dan mengawal selia pilihan raya di Malaysia, termasuklah mengemaskini daftar pemilih serta melakukan persempadanan pilihan raya. Dua Ahli Pesuruhjaya SPR di bawah pentabdiran Kerajaan Perpaduan, iaitu Datuk Haji Sapdin bin Ibrahim dan Datuk Dr Lee Bee Phang, telah dilantik tanpa melalui Parlimen justeru melanggar manifesto baik Pakatan Harapan mahupun Barisan Nasional. Hal ini tidak boleh diulangi lagi bagi melantik Pengerusi SPR yang baharu kerana risikonya lebih besar.

Pengerusi SPR mempunyai kuasa dan budi bicara yang luas untuk memimpin Suruhanjaya ini dalam menzahirkan rancangan reformasi pilihan raya. Bukan setakat itu sahaja, Pengerusi SPR baharu juga  akan berhadapan dengan beban baharu untuk menyelesaikan isu persempadanan semula kawasan pilihan raya selepas pelaksanaan Undi18 dan pendaftaran pengundian secara automatik (PPSA). Kedua-dua Undi18 dan PPSA telah menambahkan 6.23 juta pengundi baharu ke dalam daftar pengundi PRU15 (dan dijangka akan terus meningkat sehingga PRU16), sekaligus memperburuk pembahagian kawasan tidak sekata (malapportionment) di Malaysia. Hal ini menatijahkan:

  1. Ketidaksamaan undi: Sebagai contoh, 1 undi di kawasan Bangi hanya mempunyai nilai ⅕ 1 undi berbanding di kawasan Sabak Bernam – di negeri Selangor yang sama, yang melanggar Jadual ke-13 Perlembagaan Persekutuan
  2.  Agihan peruntukan yang tidak setara kepada Ahli Parlimen: Terdapat perbezaan yang ketara antara tanggungjawab wakil rakyat dan pengagihan peruntukan yang tidak sama rata. Sebagai contoh: Jika setiap MP menerima RM 100,000 untuk berkhidmat di kawasan mereka, setiap pengundi di Tebrau hanya menerima 0.45 sen berbanding RM 2 setiap seorang di Labis, di negeri Johor yang sama).

Kami mempunyai data untuk menunjukkan bahawa PPSA dan Undi18 akan terus memperburuk malapportionment (lihat jadual di bawah). Hal ini memerlukan pelakaran semula kawasan pilihan raya,
yang boleh bermula sekarang di Sarawak, 2025 di Sabah dan 2026 di Semenanjung Malaysia. Pengerusi SPR perlu memimpin SPR untuk melakukan persempadanan bagi menyelesaikan isu-isu ini. Jika dibiar
tanpa dicegah, perkara ini akan menyebabkan kekecewaan dan kesinisan sekaligus menghakis penyertaan pengundi.

 

Jadual 1: Kesan Undi18 dan PPSA terhadap malapportionmen

Negeri Nisbah antara kawasan
pilihan raya terbesar dan
terkecil pada PRU15 		 Nisbah antara kawasan
pilihan raya terbesar dan
terkecil di pada PRU14 

 

 Kesan
Malapportionment
Perlis 1.24 1.21 teruk
Kedah 2.82 2.64 teruk
Kelantan 2.50 2.34 teruk
Terengganu 1.59 1.46 teruk
Penang 2.29 1.85 teruk
Perak 3.89 3. 62 teruk
Pahang 2.62 2.77 baik
Selangor 5.88 4.38 teruk
KL 1.56 1.44 teruk
Negeri Sembilan 2.64 2.27 teruk
Malacca 2.37 2.47 baik
Johor 4.48 3.43 teruk
Sabah 2.66 2.19 teruk
Sarawak 5.06 4.18 teruk
Malaysia 10.73 9.13 teruk

Sumber: Prof Wong Chin Huat and Ooi Kok Hin

Maka, kami menggesa dan mengusulkan kepada Kerajaan Perpaduan yang dipimpin YAB Datuk Seri untuk segera melaksanakan langkah berikut:

  1.  Mengumumkan pelantikan Pengerusi SPR baharu akan dicalonkan dan disaring melalui penubuhan Jawatankuasa Tetap Parlimen Hal Ehwal Pilihan Raya. Jawatankuasa Tetap ini perlu melibatkan Ahli Parlimen dwipartisan, serta menetapkan proses dan kriteria pelantikan Pengerusi SPR baharu yang jelas. Hanya selepas kelulusan parlimen, calon akan dipersembahkan kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong (YDPA) untuk pelantikan rasmi.
  2. Memastikan bahawa calon mematuhi kriteria seperti adil, berintegriti, mempunyai minda dan iltizam untuk melaksanakan reformasi, tidak mempunyai keahlian atau memegang jawatan utama dalam parti politik, serta paling utama kompeten dan berpengetahuan dalam hal ehwal pilihan raya.
  3. Memanggil sidang khas parlimen jika perlu untuk memulakan proses lantikan ini.

Proses yang adil dan telus dalam pelantikan Pengerusi SPR adalah demi kepentingan negara, termasuk juga kerajaan. Semua Ahli Parlimen termasuk Ahli Parlimen pembangkang wajib diberikan ruang untuk
menyatakan pandangan kepada pelantikan jawatan utama kerajaan seperti ini supaya dapat mengurangkan persepsi campur tangan partisan di dalam pelaksanaan persempadanan yang akan
datang. Bagi mencegah persempadanan pilihan raya menjadi polemik 3R (yang dapat membengkak menjadi ICERD 2.0), langkah pertama adalah untuk membenarkan proses pencalonan dan pelantikan
Pengerusi SPR baharu yang dwipartisan.

Keputusan kini di tangan YAB Datuk Seri sekarang untuk mengumumkan dan melaksanakan reformasiini. YAB Datuk Seri perlu sedar pemilihan Pengerusi SPR seterusnya akan membentuk nilai undi untuk
dasawarsa yang akan datang. Kami menanti respon YAB Datuk Seri.

 

Kenyataan bersama:
Pertubuhan Masyarakat Sivil (CSO)

1. Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil (BERSIH)
2. Persatuan Pemangkin Daya Masyarakat (ROSE)
3. Lawyer Kamek
4. Institut Reformasi Politik dan Demokrasi (REFORM)
5. Tindak Malaysia
6. Rakan Membangun Masyarakat (PACOS)
7. Persatuan Pengundi Muda (Undi18)
8. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (EMPOWER)
9. Sabah Human Rights Centre
10. ASEAN Youth Organization Malaysia (AYOMY)
11. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
12. Demokrat Kebangsaan
13. Nation Building School (NBS)
14. Sisters in Islam (SIS)
15. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)
16. Islamic Renaissance Front (IRF)
17. Institut Demokrasi dan Hal Ehwal Ekonomi (IDEAS)
18. Movement For Change, Sarawak (MoCS)
19. Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM)
20. Pusat KOMAS (KOMAS)
21. ENGAGE
22. Punjabi Youth Movement Malaysia (GBSM)
23. Bait Al Amanah (House of Trust)
24. Pertubuhan Gagasan Anak Watan Malaysia (WATAN)
25. Youth Section, The Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH Youth)
26. Suara Mahasiswa UMS
27. Association of Women Lawyers ( AWL)
28. Himpunan Hijau
29. Aliran
30. Suara Siswa UiTM
31. Sabah Women’s Action Resource Group (SAWO)
32. Rahman Student League
33. Rahman Solidarity League
34. Project Stability and Accountability for Malaysia (Projek SAMA)
35. G25 Malaysia
36. All Women’s Action Society (AWAM)
37. Development of Human Resources of Rural Areas (DHRRA)
38. Congress IIUM
39. Universiti Terbuka Anak Muda (UTAM)
40. Pertubuhan Naratif Malaysia (NARATIF)
41. Save The Schools Malaysia
42. SAVE Rivers
43. Ikatan Mahasiswa Demokratik Malaysia (MDM)
44. Student Progressive Front UUM
45. Suara Siswa UUM
46. Society for Equality, Respect and Trust For All Sabah (SERATA)
47. University of Malaya Association of New Youth (UMANY)
48. Transparency International Malaysia
49. Demokrat Universiti Malaya
50. Persatuan Pemangkin Kesedaran Sosial (PEMANGKIN)
51. Global Bersih
52. Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA)
53. Liga Rakyat Demokratik
54. Mahasiswa Progresif Universiti Malaya
55. Pertubuhan Pertolongan Wanita (WAO)
56. Persatuan Kebajikan Sokongan Keluarga Selangor & KL (Family Frontiers)

Individu:
1. Dr Wong Chin Huat, Professor, Sunway University
2. Ms Sahilah Ain Sathakathulla
3. Ho Yock Lin, presiden AWAM
4. Cikgu Rahayu, pengasas Buku Jalanan Chow Kit
5. Datuk Dr Toh Kin Woon, former Penang State exco
6. Brigadier Jeneral (B) Dato Arshad Raji
7. Dr Edmund Terence Gomez, former Professor of Political Economy, Universiti Malaya
8. En Chan Siew Joe, IBM Z Ambassador
9. Dr Azmil Mohd Tayeb, Associate Professor, Universiti Sains Malaysia
10. Dr. Savinder Kaur Gill, Assistant Professor, School of Politics, History and International
Relations, University of Nottingham Malaysia
11. Datuk Dr Johan Samad, former CEO of the Institute for Development Studies Sabah
12. Dr Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, Profesor (Sains Politik), Pusat Pengajian Pendidikan Jarak Jauh, Universiti Sains Malaysia
13. Hazman Baharom, Waseda University
14. Nur Adilla, Waseda University
15. Dato’ Ambiga Sreenevasan, former chair of the Institutional Reforms Committee and Bersih chairperson
16. Beverly Joeman, former Bersih Vice-Chair (Sabah)
17. Tan Sri Mohd Sherif Kassim
18. Shah Fariq Aizal Sha Ghazni
19. Brenda Yong Ping Ping
20. Lim Wei Jiet, Peguam
21. Maha Balakrishnan, Pakar Hal Ehwal Parlimen
22. Iqbal Fathki, Ketua Editor Cilisos
23. Dr Lim Chee Han, Koordinator Manifesto Rakyat
24. Datin Fazar Arif, Pengasas, Pergerakan Orang Wanita Empowerment and Revolution (POWER)

 

Surat Terbuka Kepada YAB Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Perdana Menteri Malaysia

9 Mei 2024

An Open Letter to Prime Minister Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim on The Appointment of New Election Commission Chairperson

/in , /by

We, the undersigned civil society organisations, think tanks, student groups, and individuals, express our utmost concern about the upcoming appointment of a new Election Commission (EC) Chairperson. The current chairperson, Abdul Ghani Salleh, retires today on 9 May 2024, leaving the most important position in EC vacant. Coincidentally, today is also the sixth anniversary of GE14 and the historic democratic transition in Malaysia – and yet, electoral reform remains outstanding to this day.

The EC plays the critical role of regulating the conduct of elections, reviewing and revising the electoral roll, and delineating / redrawing constituencies.

The appointments of two EC commissioners under the current Government’s administration, Datuk Haji Sapdin bin Ibrahim and Datuk Dr. Lee Bee Phang, were done without going through Parliament, and this goes against both the Pakatan Harapan and the Barisan Nasional’s election manifestos. This cannot be repeated for the appointment of the EC Chairperson because the stakes are much higher.

Not only does the EC Chairperson have wide powers and discretion to lead the Commission, which could either facilitate, disrupt, or halt any plans for electoral reforms, but the EC Chairperson will also take on the unprecedented responsibility of addressing the re-delineation of electoral boundaries after the implementation of Undi18 and separately, automatic voter registration (AVR). Both Undi18 and AVR have added 6.23 million new voters to the electoral roll in GE15 (and this is expected to be increased by GE16), thus exacerbating malapportionment in Malaysia. This has serious consequences, including:

  1. The inequality of voting power: For example, 1 vote in the Bangi constituency has only ⅕ value compared to 1 vote in the Sabak Bernam constituency. This violates the Federal Constitution’s 13th Schedule.
  2. The unequal distribution of funds to MPs: There is a sheer disparity among elected representatives’ responsibilities and the unequal distribution of funds. For example, if each MP receives RM100,000 to serve their constituency, each voter in Tebrau receives only 0.45 cents compared to RM2 each in Labis.

We now have data to demonstrate that AVR and Undi18 resulted in worsened malapportionment (see table below). This necessitates the redrawing of electoral boundaries (delineation), which can take place now in Sarawak; in 2025 in Sabah; and in 2026 in Peninsular Malaysia.

The people will look to the new EC Chairperson to spearhead this process and address a host of issues that, if left unresolved, could cause disillusionment or cynicism in the voter, thus eroding participation in the electoral process.

Table 1: Impact of Undi18 and AVR on malapportionment

State The ratio between the largest constituencyand the smallest constituency in GE15  The ratio between the largest constituencyand the smallest constituency in GE14 Malapportionment

implication
Perlis 1.24 1.21 worsened
Kedah 2.82 2.64 worsened
Kelantan 2.50 2.34 worsened
Terengganu 1.59 1.46 worsened
Penang 2.29 1.85 worsened
Perak 3.89 3. 62 worsened
Pahang 2.62 2.77 improved
Selangor 5.88 4.38 worsened
KL 1.56 1.44 worsened
Negeri Sembilan 2.64 2.27 worsened
Malacca 2.37 2.47 improved
Johor 4.48 3.43 worsened
Sabah 2.66 2.19 worsened
Sarawak 5.06 4.18 worsened
Malaysia 10.73 9.13 worsened

Source: Prof Wong Chin Huat and Ooi Kok Hin

Therefore, we urge that the Unity Government take the following steps immediately:

  1. Announce that the new EC Chairperson will be nominated and vetted by a Parliamentary Standing Committee on Electoral Affairs. This Standing Committee should include bipartisan MPs and establish a clear process and criteria for appointing the new EC Chairperson. Only after Parliament has approved the candidacy, the candidate can be presented to the King for official appointment.
  2. Ensure that the candidate adheres to criteria such as fairness, integrity, and an independent and proactive mindset to propose and implement reforms. This would entail them not having membership in any political party or having held key positions in a political party. Further, they should not have a criminal record or have committed any serious election offenses. The ultimate criteria must be that the individual appointed should be competent, experienced, and have the relevant knowledge in matters related to elections, its laws, operations, and administration.
  3. Convene a special parliamentary sitting, if necessary, to start the process for this major appointment.

An impartial and transparent process in appointing the EC Chairperson is in the nation’s best interests, including the government. Allowing the opposition MPs to have a say in such a major public office appointment will reduce the perception of partisan meddling in the upcoming delineation exercise. To avoid turning delineation into a potentially polemical 3R issue (which could snowball into an ICERD 2.0), the first step is to allow a bipartisan process for the nomination and appointment of the new EC Chairperson.

The ball is now in your court to announce and execute these electoral reforms, considering that the next EC Chairperson will shape the vote value for the next decade. We await your response.

Jointly signed by:
Civil Society Organisations:

  1. The Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (BERSIH)
  2. Persatuan Pemangkin Daya Masyarakat (ROSE)
  3. Lawyer Kamek
  4. Institut Reformasi Politik dan Demokrasi (REFORM)
  5. Tindak Malaysia
  6. Rakan Membangun Masyarakat (PACOS)
  7. Persatuan Pengundi Muda (Undi18)
  8. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (EMPOWER)
  9. Sabah Human Rights Centre
  10. ASEAN Youth Organization Malaysia (AYOMY)
  11. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
  12. Demokrat Kebangsaan
  13. Nation Building School (NBS)
  14. Sisters in Islam (SIS)
  15. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)
  16. Islamic Renaissance Front (IRF)
  17. Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS)
  18. Movement For Change, Sarawak (MoCS)
  19. Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM)
  20. Pusat KOMAS (KOMAS)
  21. ENGAGE
  22. Punjabi Youth Movement Malaysia (GBSM)
  23. Bait Al Amanah (House of Trust)
  24. Pertubuhan Gagasan Anak Watan Malaysia (WATAN)
  25. Youth Section, The Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH Youth)
  26. Suara Mahasiswa UMS
  27. Association of Women Lawyers (AWL)
  28. Himpunan Hijau
  29. Aliran
  30. Suara Siswa UiTM
  31. Sabah Women’s Action Resource Group (SAWO)
  32. Rahman Student League
  33. Rahman Solidarity League
  34. Project Stability and Accountability for Malaysia (Projek SAMA)
  35. G25 Malaysia
  36. All Women’s Action Society (AWAM)
  37. Development of Human Resources of Rural Areas (DHRRA)
  38. Congress IIUM
  39. Universiti Terbuka Anak Muda (UTAM)
  40. Pertubuhan Naratif Malaysia (NARATIF)
  41. Save The Schools Malaysia
  42. SAVE Rivers
  43. Ikatan Mahasiswa Demokratik Malaysia (MDM)
  44. Student Progressive Front UUM
  45. Suara Siswa UUM
  46. Society for Equality, Respect and Trust for All Sabah (SERATA)
  47. University of Malaya Association of New Youth (UMANY)
  48. Transparency International Malaysia
  49. Demokrat Universiti Malaya
  50. Persatuan Pemangkin Kesedaran Sosial (PEMANGKIN)
  51. Global Bersih
  52. Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA)
  53. Liga Rakyat Demokratik
  54. Mahasiswa Progresif Universiti Malaya
  55. Pertubuhan Pertolongan Wanita (WAO)
  56. Persatuan Kebajikan Sokongan Keluarga Selangor & KL (Family Frontiers)
  57. Rasuah Busters
  58. Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement
  59. Pertubuhan IKRAM Malaysia (IKRAM)
  60. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)

Individuals

  1. Dr Wong Chin Huat, Professor, Sunway University
  2. Ms Sahilah Ain Sathakathulla, cybersecurity expert
  3. Ho Yock Lin, presiden AWAM
  4. Cikgu Rahayu, pengasas Buku Jalanan Chow Kit
  5. Datuk Dr Toh Kin Woon, former Penang State exco and Bersih Steering Committee
  6. Brigadier Jeneral (B) Dato Arshad Raji
  7. Dr Edmund Terence Gomez, former Professor of Political Economy, Universiti Malaya
  8. En Chan Siew Joe, IBM Z Ambassador
  9. Dr Azmil Mohd Tayeb, Associate Professor, Universiti Sains Malaysia
  10. Dr. Savinder Kaur Gill, Assistant Professor, School of Politics, History and International Relations, University of Nottingham Malaysia
  11. Datuk Dr Johan Samad, former CEO of the Institute for Development Studies Sabah
  12. Dr Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, Profesor (Sains Politik), Pusat Pengajian Pendidikan Jarak Jauh, Universiti Sains Malaysia
  13. Hazman Baharom, Waseda University
  14. Nur Adilla, Waseda University
  15. Dato’ Ambiga Sreenevasan, former chair of the Institutional Reforms Committee and Bersih chairperson
  16. Beverly Joeman, former Bersih Vice-Chair (Sabah)
  17. Tan Sri Mohd Sherif Kassim, former secretary-general of Finance Ministry
  18. Shah Fariq Aizal Sha Ghazni, entrepreneur
  19. Brenda Yong Ping Ping, academic
  20. Lim Wei Jiet, Peguam
  21. Maha Balakrishnan, Parliamentary Expert
  22. Iqbal Fatkhi, Editor-in-Chief of Cilisos
  23. Dr Lim Chee Han, Coordinator, Manifesto Rakyat
  24. Datin Fazar Arif, Pengasas, Pergerakan Orang Wanita Empowerment and Revolution (POWER)

 

An Open Letter To PM Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim On The Appointment Of New EC

9 May 2024

联合声明 | 赵明福命案的转型正义：起诉造成他死亡的反贪会官员及尽速公布真相

/in , /by

国际真相权日公民社会联合声明草案，2024年3月24日于吉隆坡发出。

我们，签署此联合声明的民间组织，对15年前于反贪委员会拘留所致死赵明福的加害人至今未被提控杀害或其它罪名表达极大关注。正义原则要求犯罪者必须受到起诉，受到公正审判，如果罪名成立，则应受到相应的判决。

赵明福是时任雪州行政议员兼州议员欧阳捍华的政治助理。2008年，欧阳捍华所属的反对党联盟民联，首次击败由巫统领导的国阵政府，赢得雪兰莪州政权。当时国阵仍掌控联邦中央政权。

2009年，联邦政府管辖的反贪委员会正式对7名雪兰莪州民联州议员展开调查，其中也包括欧阳捍华政治助理赵明福。外界普遍认为反贪会的行动是国阵政府在州选举失利后进行的政治报复行为。

赵明福于2009年7月15日被反贪会逮捕并拘留。2009年7月16日下午1时30分他被发现卧尸于玛莎南大楼5楼的开放阳台上。雪兰莪反贪会的办公室位于同座大楼14楼。赵明福被指从 14 楼的窗户被扔下、推下或跌下，并坠落到 5楼的公开阳台上。

2011 年，赵明福案件皇家调查委员会在结论中指出，赵明福是“被迫自杀”或因反贪会官员采用过激审讯方法而导致其死亡。皇家调查委员会指名致死赵明福过程中扮演积极角色的三个反贪会官员：Hishamuddin Hashim以及他的下属Mohamad Anuar Ismail和Ashraf Mohd Yunus。这意味该行为已触犯法纪，并且可能存在造成死亡的酷刑。我们认为，皇家调查委员指赵明福“自杀”的说法是错误的。

虽然死因调查庭做出悬案判决，但是2014年9月5日上诉庭推翻该判决。上诉庭裁决赵明福的死亡是由一名或多名身份不明的人加速和导致的，其中包括反贪会官员。决定性的证据是赵明福颈部有坠楼前的伤口。

2015年5月12日，已故赵明福家属提出民事诉讼，要求反贪委员会、政府及其他12人因疏忽导致赵明福的死亡负上责任。案件还未进入全面审理的情况下，被告与家属达致协议，同意向原告支付 60万令吉赔偿金，高庭法官 Rosnaini Saub 也指示被告支付 6万令吉庭费。这笔赔偿金极有可能仅由政府支付，其他被点名的反贪会官员无需分担赔偿金和庭费。

转型正义旨在承认受害者，提升个人对国家机构的信任，加强对人权的尊重并促进法治，以此作为实现和解及防止新的侵权行为的一个步骤。转型正义有四个支柱，即：（一） 寻求真相、（二） 起诉、（三） 赔偿、（四） 制度改革。

尽管2015年5月12日的民事诉讼可能已解决了赔偿问题，但转型正义的其它支柱，特别是寻求真相和起诉涉案者仍未实现。

迄今为止，尚未有人因杀害或致死赵明福，或者其他违法行为（包括违法盘问行为和剥夺获得自己选择的律师的权利）而受到起诉和审判。加害人不能“被庇护”或以“受到纪律处分”的方式敷衍带过。触犯法纪者必须依法被起诉和审判，一旦被定罪则受到公正的裁决。

支付赔偿或损害款额，却让真正的加害人免于惩罚，这不是正义。

2009年的第一次警方调查没有导致任何人被起诉和审判。

2014年上诉庭裁决赵明福的死亡是 “由一名或多名身份不明的人包括反贪会官员所导致”后，警方启动另一轮调查，但也没任何明显结果。

当反对党联盟希盟于2018年大选击败国阵及入主布城后，警方对赵明福案件展开另一次调查。2024年3月11日，内政部长Saifuddin Nasution在国会上表示，警方已完成调查，并已于2023年8月将报告提呈给总检察署。警方的拖延调查令人难以接受。

警方报告提呈给总检察署已将近8个月，却还没人因违法杀害赵明福及相关事项而在法庭上被起诉。

整个调查过程缺乏透明度，也根本没有理由拖延。

因此，我们，签署此联合声明的民间团体呼吁：

  1. 立即起诉所有杀害或导致赵明福死亡的反贪委员会官员或其他人；
  2. 立即起诉所有以违法方式进行盘问的官员，包括可能造成赵明福坠楼前颈部受伤的酷刑；
  3. 立即披露导致赵明福死亡的全部真相；
  4. 落实必要的制度改革，以确保未来不再有人在反贪会的拘留下或在反贪会死亡。整个反贪会办公室或建筑物都必须设有闭路电视监控系统，以保障嫌疑人或证人的权利，同时阻止反贪会官员进行不当行为。反贪委员会绝不能否决嫌疑人或证人立即联系自己选择的律师的权利。
  5. 不仅是政府和反贪委员会应该向赵明福的家人和朋友真诚道歉，所有涉案的个别反贪会官员也应该道歉；
  6. 呼吁马来西亚修改相关法律和实践，以确保执法机构遵守法律，并且不再发生警方或反贪委员会侵犯嫌疑人或证人权利的情况。扣留所死亡必须被终止；
  7. 呼吁马来西亚核准联合国《禁止酷刑和其他残忍、不人道或有辱人格的待遇或处罚公约》。

List of Endorsees 联署单位:

  1. Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement (TBH-ADA) 赵明福民主促进会
  2. Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture (MADPET) 马来西亚反对死刑和酷刑组织
  3. Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law (AKDL) initiative
  4. Agora Society 群议社
  5. Aliran
  6. Baramkini 当今峇南
  7. Beyond Borders Malaysia
  8. Building and Wood Workers International (BWI) Asia Pacific Regional Office
  9. Center for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC) 原住民关怀中心
  10. Citizens Against Enforced Disappearances (CAGED)
  11. Civil Rights Committee of KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall 隆雪华堂民权委员会
  12. Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (BERSIH) 干净与公正选举联盟
  13. Eliminating Deaths And Abuse In Custody Together (EDICT) 消除拘留所死亡虐待阵线
  14. Empower
  15. Freedom Film Network
  16. G25 Malaysia
  17. GERAK
  18. Happy Learning Books 學樂書苑
  19. Hayat
  20. Johor Yellow Flame 柔南黄色行动小组
  21. Lightup Borneo
  22. KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH) 吉隆坡暨雪兰莪中华大会堂
  23. Malaysia Muda
  24. Malaysian Action for Justice and Unity (MAJU)
  25. Mamas Bersih 净选盟母亲团
  26. Melaka Chinese Assembly Hall 马六甲中华大会堂
  27. Monitoring Sustainability of Globalisation (MSN)
  28. National Union of Transport Equipment & Allied Industries Workers (NUTEAIW)
  29. Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall 森美兰中华大会堂
  30. New Era Power Alliance新院新时代力量联盟
  31. New Generation of Universiti Malaya 馬大新世代
  32. New Student Movement Alliance of Malaysia (NESA) 大马新学运联盟
  33. North South Initiative
  34. P320 Community Space (P320社区空间)
  35. Pemuda Pertubuhan Penganut Dewa Heng Soon Kong Tai Bak Gong Senai Johor柔佛州士乃恒顺港大伯公庙青年团
  36. Persatuan Amal Progresif
  37. Persatuan Bertutur Bahasa Mandarin Malaysia 马来西亚讲华语运动
  38. Persatuan Komuniti Prihatin Selangor, KL & Perak 雪隆社区关怀协会
  39. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor
  40. Persatuan Siswazah-Siswazah Taiwan Cheng Kung Universiti, Malaysia馬來西亞留台成功大學校友會
  41. Persatuan Tiong Hua Negeri Sembilan 森美兰华人益赛会
  42. Persatuan Wanita Maju Selangor & Kuala Lumpur 雪隆妇女前进会
  43. Pusat Komas
  44. Rahman Solidarity League 拉曼团结联盟
  45. Rahman Student League 拉曼学生联盟
  46. Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee 人民之友工委会
  47. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)
  48. Sedarjat
  49. Society for the Promotion of Human Rights（Proham）
  50. Stateless.my
  51. Student Progressive Front (SPF) 北方大学前进阵线
  52. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) 人民之声
  53. Sunflower Electoral Education Movement(SEED) 向日葵选举教育运动
  54. University of Malaya Association of New Youth (UMANY) 马大新青年
  55. WH4C (Workers Hub For Change)
  56. Youth Section of KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall 隆雪华堂青年团

撑黄彦铬网络众筹 突破5万众筹目标

/in , /by

隆雪华青为黄彦铬发起的“撑黄彦铬到底，众筹需要你”网络众筹至今已达标，分別在众筹平台和线下汇款筹获RM51,308.88和RM10,000.00，总额达RM61,308.88，成功突破原订5万令吉的众筹目标。在扣除RM506银行手续费，一共有RM60,802.88将汇入隆雪华青的银行户头。

虽然本次网络众筹期限只有短短一个月，却获得社会各界人士的鼎力支持，捐赠者人数达419位，捐款率则达122%，回响充分体现民众对自由、平等、民主、人权的坚持。

司法战役冗长耗时，隆雪华青衷心感激各位善心人士的慷慨解囊与帮助，让黄彦铬能够在抗争路上继续勇往直前。同时，隆雪华青也感激GivingHub众筹平台的支持，豁免平台手续费，减轻财务负担。

随着众筹款项达标，隆雪华青正式宣布结束“撑黄彦铬到底，众筹需要你”网络众筹运动。隆雪华青将负责代收这笔款项，并用以支付黄彦铬的司法费用。

倘若黄彦铬案件结束后仍有剩余款项，则将用于支付学运人士的法律诉讼或援助费用。任何支出将被记录在案，而隆雪华青也将秉持着公开透明原则，定期向民众交代款项去向。

黄彦铬目前有两宗刑事案件在身，其中黄彦铬因为在马大毕业典礼上举牌抗议马大校长发表种族主义言论而被控“蓄意侮辱及破坏安宁”。吉隆坡推事庭在10月9日宣判黄彦铬罪名成立，需缴交罚款RM5,000，否则得监禁3个月。目前，辩护律师和检控方分别针对裁决和刑罚进行上诉，前者要求洗清罪名，而后者则要求加重刑罚。

 

众筹目标尚未达标 盼各界续支持黄彦铬

/in , /by

截至11月9日，隆雪华青已成功为黄彦铬筹获4万3千8百30令吉，离5万令吉目标尚有一段距离，约6千1百70令吉。

隆雪华青表示，目前距离众筹截止日期还有6天，并呼吁各界人士踊跃捐献，帮助黄彦铬打赢这场战役。有意捐献者，请浏览众筹平台： https://www.givinghub.asia/campaigns/yan-ke。

隆雪华青衷心感谢369名善心人士的慷慨解囊，他们不分族群，响应本团为黄彦铬发起的众筹运动。

本团承诺所筹募的资金将用于支援黄彦铬的一切律师费，并将持续捍卫民主人权，为加强促进我国对公民言论自由的保障。

许多捐款者在捐款之余，也在众筹平台透过文字传送温情，声援黄彦铬，为他打气。

隆雪华青于10月16日发起网络众筹，目标在1个月内为黄彦铬筹获5万令吉，作为司法辩护费用或堂费支付。

推事庭于2023年10月9日裁定黄彦铬涉及的毕业典礼举牌抗议事件罪名成立，罚款5千令吉。针对上述案件，总检察署日前已向法庭提出上诉，寻求加重其刑罚，而吉隆坡高庭已择订11月15日审讯上诉。

隆雪华青将全力支持黄彦铬的抗争之路。

In Solidarity with Wong Yan Ke We Need Your Support KLSCAH Youth Launches Crowdfunding in Solidarity with Wong Yan Ke

/in , , /by

KLSCAH Youth has officially launched a crowdfunding campaign for Wong Yan Ke and has set a fundraising target of RM50,000 to cover his legal costs.

Please visit the crowdfunding platform: https://www.givinghub.asia/campaigns/yan-ke , to support Wong Yan Ke in appealing the verdict in the High Court and possibly the Court of Appeal.

(Platform fees are waived for the donation to this campaign. All donations go straight to the campaign minus the banking fees.)

“Wong Yan Ke was found guilty by the Magistrate Court for the convocation protest in Universiti Malaya and fined RM5,000 in default three months’ jail.”

Four years ago, during his convocation, a determined and idealistic youth staged a solo protest against the racist remarks made during the Malay Dignity Congress by former UM Vice-Chancellor Abdul Rahim and demanded the VC to resign.

Since being charged, Yan Ke has never once failed to appear in court and has given his full cooperation with investigations. Yan Ke has proven that he is not a rebellious youth, but rather an upstanding youth seeking justice through the judicial process. He remains hopeful and continues to dedicate himself to civil society, actively defending human rights, democracy and equality.

Yan Ke once said, “Instead of worrying about my court case, it’s better to focus my energy on helping underprivileged groups.”

After three years of court proceedings, Yan Ke was found guilty. What was his crime? Advocating freedom of speech? Holding those in power accountable? Opposing racism? He bravely pointed out the elephant in the room and challenged injustice, but is now facing the risk of losing his personal freedom. This verdict is a dire wake-up call for all Malaysians.

Nonetheless, Yan Ke refuses to back down. He continues to champion justice, freedom and diversity. This court case isn’t just a personal battle for him; it’s a battle for justice and equality for all Malaysians.

KLSCAH Youth stands in solidarity with our secretary Wong Yan Ke and wholeheartedly supports him in appealing the verdict in the High Court and possibly the Court of Appeal. To this end, we are launching a crowdfunding campaign to raise RM50,000 to cover Yan Ke’s legal costs.

We must not lose this battle.

KLSCAH Youth humbly requests the public to join this crowdfunding campaign and support Yan Ke in this legal battle. No matter how big or small, your donation sends a powerful message that we Malaysians do not tolerate the suppression of free speech or any form of racism. Together, let’s make it known: “Ini Tanah Malaysia!”

撑彦铬到底 众筹需要你 隆雪华青正式发起众筹

/in , , /by

隆雪华青正式为黄彦铬发起众筹运动，并将筹款目标设在五万令吉，作为黄彦铬的司法辩护费用或堂费支付。

请浏览众筹平台：https://www.givinghub.asia/campaigns/yan-ke ， 为黄彦铬的判决上诉提供支援。

（扣除银行手续费，所有的捐款将直接汇给此众筹运动，至于平台则不会征收任何费用。）

“黄彦铬罪名成立，被判罚款五千令吉，无法缴付罚款则需坐牢三个月。”

四年前，一位立场坚定、充满理想的年轻人，在毕业典礼舞台上高举“校长下台”卡牌，抗议马大校长举办充斥种族主义的马来人尊严大会。

自被提控以来，他多次进出法庭，也全力配合调查。他以行动证明，他并非反叛青年，并追求在司法程序底下得到公义。在此期间，他没有意志消沉，而是将身心投入到公民社会，身体力行捍卫人权、民主、平等。

“与其为案件感到担忧，不如把精神花在帮助弱势群体。”

他的名字，是黄彦铬。

经过长达三年的司法战，彦铬被裁定有罪。他的罪行是什么？倡导言论自由？追究当权者的责任？反对种族主义？当年轻人愿意指出房间里的大象、挑战不公不义时，却得面临丧失人身自由的风险。这个判决无疑敲响了社会警钟。

但彦铬不愿屈服，他坚持捍卫正义、自由和多元。这不仅仅是他个人的战役，更是每个马来西亚人为公正平等而战的战役。

隆雪华青全力支持秘书黄彦铬上诉判决，抗争到底。司法战役冗长耗时，倘若在高庭败诉，黄彦铬还得上诉至上诉庭。为此，我们发起众筹，目标是在一个月内筹获五万令吉，作为黄彦铬的司法辩护费用或堂费支付。

这场战役，我们不能输。

隆雪华青恳请社会大众一同参与这场众筹运动，多多益善、少少不拘，以帮助黄彦铬打赢这场司法战役。你的捐献，将会传达强烈的信息：我们作为马来西亚人，不会容忍言论自由受压制，强烈反对任何形式的种族主义，并能自豪地说 Ini Tanah Malaysia！

对毕业典礼举牌抗议判决感遗憾 隆雪华青全力支持黄彦铬提出上诉

/in , /by

隆雪华青针对推事庭裁定本团秘书黄彦铬毕业典礼举牌抗议事件罪名成立，并判决罚款5千令吉一事感到遗憾。本团全力支持黄彦铬针对推事庭此裁决提出上诉。

隆雪华青认为，我国公民言论自由的权利理应获得保障，而非受到多重压制。本团也强调，在追求自由开放的社会，捍卫言论自由的精神至关重要，是维护民主、多元意见及社会进步的关键基础。

本团秘书黄彦铬在毕业典礼举牌抗议的行为并未中断毕业典礼的流程及程序，也没有对其他毕业生领取毕业状或是享受毕业典礼的气氛带来困扰，抗议过程中也没有煽动或任何形式的暴力，並无破坏公共秩序。

黄彦铬也是前马大新青年主席，他于2019年在马大毕业典礼举牌抗议，反对马大校长参与及主办马来尊严大会并发表种族言论，被控抵触刑事法典504条文即蓄意侮辱及破坏公共安宁。推事庭于2022年4月5日裁定黄彦铬表罪成立，当中经过无数次的审讯及自辩环节，并于今日为此案件作出了判决。

Where are the Reforms we were promised?

/in , /by

We, the undersigned, want to express our grave concern and disappointment at the government’s continued backtracking on its reform agenda.

The recent decision by the Attorney General’s Chambers (AGC) to grant DNAA (discharge not amounting to an acquittal) to Zahid Hamidi in relation to the 47 charges involving millions of ringgit in connection with Yayasan Akal Budi, is the latest in a series of indefensible actions by the current administration since the formation of the Pakatan Harapan-Barisan National government.

The decision to take such action despite a prima facie case has been established raises serious questions about the government’s commitment and ability to govern our country with integrity and in accordance with our Federal Constitution and the rule of law. The decision will result in an erosion of public trust and confidence in our institutions, particularly in the AGC’s competence to investigate matters thoroughly and impartially so that we can hold corrupt elites accountable for their conduct.

The 11 reasons cited by the AGC to justify its position are not convincing in the least, and demonstrate a tragic waste of taxpayers’ money in what has become a futile exercise in integrity, accountability, transparency and trust.

Furthermore, the decision to discharge Zahid Hamidi from such serious charges suggests a disturbing departure from the principle of equality, and sends a dangerous message that those in positions of power and influence can act with impunity, and escape accountability for their actions. This perception of a two-tier justice system, one for the elite and another for the masses, is corroding the very foundation of our democracy and undermining people’s faith in the rule of law and good governance.

Since November 2022, we have witnessed a slew of actions which undermine our trust and confidence in the Prime Minister and his government, whose promises of reforms to uphold our fundamental freedoms and human rights have come to nought. This has been demonstrated regularly by the constant backtracking on promises to review, amend or repeal draconian laws such as the Sedition Act, Printing Presses and Publications Act, and SOSMA, amongst others.

There has also been an increased stifling of our freedom of expression, including censorship of media and other online content, banning of films and publications, restrictions on academic freedom, and infringements on gender based expressions. There has also been no visible commitment or action to pursue institutional reforms, including making the MACC independent and accountable only to the Parliament; and establishing an Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission as demanded by civil society to replace the watered-down IPCC.  Prior to Zahid’s DNAA, the reform calling for the separation of the AG from the public prosecutors office was nowhere to be seen until recently when it was announced by the Law Minister.

Our expectations, which are in line with the multitude of promises made during the election campaigns leading up to the last General Elections, are that our Ministers and government agencies will promote the development of an educated, informed society of critical thinkers who are fully equipped with contemporary skills and knowledge so that we can compete in the global arena. As voters and taxpayers we have a right to be informed in decisions about how public resources are used equitably and distributed fairly.

This crisis of confidence in the government’s ability to deliver on its reform agenda must be dealt with and in order to enhance accountability and transparency, we demand the following:

1)  The establishment of an independent committee to reaffirm and develop a detailed roadmap (including timelines) of the current government’s reform priorities. This independent committee should include civil society representatives and build on the recommendations made by the IRC established in 2018;

2)  Immediately separate the roles of Attorney General and Public Prosecutor and establish a mechanism to ensure that the appointment of public prosecutors is independent of political interference;

3)  Reaffirm, without delay, the government’s plans to review, amend or repeal ALL arbitrary and oppressive laws that restrict our human rights and freedom of expression; and

4)  Reaffirm, without delay, the government’s plans for institutional reforms in relation to independent MACC and IPCMC.

 

Signatories:

Organisations:

  1. Centre for Independent Journalism
  2. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor 
  3. Beyond Borders
  4. Agora Society Malaysia
  5. EMPOWER
  6. Society for the Promotion of Human Rights (PROHAM)
  7. Our Journey
  8. Gabungan Bertindak Malaysia (GBM)
  9. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  10. Aliran
  11. KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Civil Right Committee (KLSCAH CRC)
  12. Tenaganita
  13. North South Initiative (NSI)
  14. KRYSS Network
  15. Geutanyoe Aceh
  16. Pertubuhan Harapan Al-Ikhlas Kuala Lumpur dan Selangor
  17. ALTSEAN-Burma
  18. Myanmar Ethnics Organization
  19. Refugee Emergency Fund (REF)
  20. Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM)
  21. Pemuda Sosialis (Youth Wing of Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM))
  22. Persatuan UMANY
  23. Selangor and Kuala Lumpur Hokkien Association Youth Section
  24. Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Youth
  25. Pertubuhan Anak Muda Maju
  26. Suara Siswa Universiti Malaya 
  27. Instant Cafe Theatre
  28. Parastoo Theatre