Joint Statement | Malaysia and Singapore at a Crossroads: Stop Executions, Uphold Human Rights

As five men are now believed to be at imminent risk in Singapore, we, the undersigned civil society organisations, call on the Singaporean authorities to immediately halt all executions. We also urge the Malaysian government to take all possible steps to protect the rights of its nationals facing execution in Singapore and to press for a complete end to the death penalty, at home and internationally.

Among those who are at imminent risk of execution are Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah, Pannir Selvam Pranthaman, Saminathan a/l Selvaraju, Lingkesvaran Rajendaren and Jumaat bin Mohamed Sayed. All of them were sentenced to death for drug trafficking, and have each spent seven to ten years on death row. While Jumaat is a Singaporean, the other four are Malaysians. The five of them had their most recent appeals dismissed, after many years of struggle for justice against all odds.

Singapore has already executed ten men, including two Malaysians, so far this year. In August 2025, Singapore’s Cabinet advised the President to grant clemency to one person on death row—the first time this has been done in almost three decades. While we welcome this rare decision, it only underscores the arbitrariness and cruelty of the death penalty for all others still at risk.

Individuals on death row in Singapore and their families are only given four to seven days’ notice of their execution. As we urge the authorities of both countries to protect human rights and end the death penalty, we also encourage Malaysians and Singaporeans to act now to help stop the imminent executions of these individuals; we cannot afford to wait, knowing that any of these individuals may get an execution notice in the coming days.

At this critical juncture, the Malaysian government must act decisively to protect the lives of its nationals and all those facing execution, as well as push for the abolition of the death penalty in the region. Many young Malaysians, often from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds, have been vulnerable to being recruited into the drug trade, and the Malaysian government has a moral duty to advocate for them, not leave them to die in foreign prisons. Having abolished the mandatory death penalty in 2023, as it continues its journey towards full abolition Malaysia must now go further by extending its advocacy to protect its nationals abroad who remain at risk under Singapore’s harsh and cruel mandatory death penalty regime.

Meanwhile, Singaporeans who are horrified by these executions must speak out against this inhumane punishment. Singapore is increasingly alone in the region in implementing the mandatory death penalty and carrying out executions for drug trafficking.

The Case of Pannir Selvam Pranthaman

One of the Malaysian nationals at grave risk is Pannir Selvam Pranthaman. His case is riddled with violations of international human rights law and standards, and demonstrates fundamental flaws in Singapore’s cruel capital punishment regime.

In 2017, Pannir was convicted of importing into Singapore 51.84g of diamorphine (heroin) and was sentenced to the mandatory death penalty. Despite evidence that he was a mere “courier” and had provided substantive information to the authorities, Singapore’s Attorney-General’s Chambers refused to issue Pannir a Certificate of Substantive Assistance. Without such a certificate, the court had no choice but to sentence him to death. Pannir, through his family, has shared information with the Royal Malaysia Police regarding syndicate operations along Malaysia’s shores. His case has also been affected by the lack of legal representation during police interrogation, restrictive laws that curtailed post-conviction appeals, the denial of legal aid at the post-appeal stage, and breaches of privileged communication between those facing the death penalty and lawyers.

On 5 September 2025, the Singapore Court of Appeal dismissed Pannir’s latest application for a stay of execution, even as his disciplinary complaint against his former lawyer remains unresolved. The court said in its judgment that the Law Society of Singapore may need to act urgently to “preserve” Pannir’s testimony before his execution—a shocking and macabre acknowledgment of the grave cruelty of his looming execution.

The Use of Legal Presumptions of Guilt in Capital Cases: A Valiant Fight by Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran and Jumaat

In August 2022, Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran and Jumaat filed a challenge against the constitutionality of the legal presumptions of guilt in relation to trafficking, possession and knowledge under Singapore’s Misuse of Drugs Act. They each had been convicted with reliance on two such presumptions contained in Section 18(1) and 18(2) of that Act.

The Misuse of Drugs Act allows legal presumptions to be used by the prosecution, whereby the burden of proof is shifted onto the defendant to be rebutted by them to the legal standard of “on a balance of probabilities”. While other jurisdictions such as Canada, Hong Kong and the United Kingdom have rejected the use of legal presumptions to be rebutted on the balance of probabilities—on the basis that it allows for an accused person to be convicted despite reasonable doubt still existing—Singapore continues to apply such legal presumptions in cases of trafficking, possession and knowledge in capital drug cases. Presumptions of guilt effectively undermine fair trial guarantees under international human rights law and violate the right to be presumed innocent, a peremptory norm of customary international law. Further, the presumption of possession and knowledge can be applied together in Singapore—the use of which has been described in other courts as a severe derogation from the presumption of innocence.

It was a long, arduous journey for the four men to see this challenge through. Legal aid schemes in Singapore do not cover the filing of extra-ordinary appeals. As they had no means to engage a lawyer privately, the four men were unrepresented for a long time, forcing them to appear in court without lawyers to argue their challenge by themselves. When foreign senior counsel offered to represent them pro bono, the court ruled that they would have to argue by themselves the request to admit these foreign counsels to represent them in Singapore —creating an outrageous situation in which persons on death row had to present highly technical legal arguments while the foreign senior lawyers could only watch. In the end, the Singapore Courts rejected their application to have these lawyers represent them.

It was only about two years after their constitutional challenge was filed that some local lawyers agreed to take on the case, which was dismissed last month. With the conclusion of this case, there is no longer any pending legal proceeding to prevent the Singaporean authorities from scheduling their executions.

Grave Concerns Over Other Violations of International Human Rights Law and Standards

We remind the Singaporean authorities that international safeguards on the use of the death penalty prohibit carrying out executions while appeals or other recourse procedures are pending. Surely it can be recognised that Pannir’s involvement—to instruct counsel, give testimony and respond to any evidence raised by his former lawyer—is the only way to ensure a fair outcome in his complaint lodged with the Law Society of Singapore. This is especially critical given that the complaint includes a direct conversation involving Pannir and his former lawyer; and that several other persons on death row who had also filed complaints against this same lawyer have already been executed before their testimonies could be heard.

Like Pannir, both Datchinamurthy and Saminathan also had their private correspondence copied and forwarded by the Singapore Prison Service, without authorisation, to the Attorney-General’s Chambers—an act that Singapore’s Court of Appeal has ruled to be unlawful.

Individuals on death row in Singapore have raised serious concerns about the extremely prohibitive barriers that they face in filing legal applications after their criminal appeal has concluded. They have also repeatedly brought up how difficult it is for them to engage lawyers in Singapore, given the risk of onerous fines, reprimands and costs that lawyers have to bear for taking up capital cases at later stages. Conditions on death row in Singapore have worsened over the years, with prisoners enduring isolation in solitary cells, severely restricted communications between them and their loved ones, and the prison authorities making it close to impossible for persons involved in the same legal challenge to confer with one another.

The death penalty for drug offences violates international human rights law and standards, which limit the use of capital punishment only to the “most serious crimes”, understood as intentional killing. Drug trafficking does not meet this threshold. Both the United Nations Human Rights Committee and the United Nations Special Rapporteurs have consistently affirmed this position. Yet the vast majority of executions that take place in Singapore are carried out as part of the country’s extremely punitive “war on drugs”—demonstrating how far out of step Singapore is with the international community when it comes to human rights and justice.

Lawrence Wong’s New Premiership

As Singapore’s new prime minister, Lawrence Wong has an opportunity to take the momentous step of leading Singapore away from the cruel and inhumane use of the death penalty that has taken hundreds of lives since independence. Imposing an immediate moratorium on executions and repealing the mandatory death penalty would be critical urgent steps that he could lead on, with a view towards full abolition. This will not only spare the many people currently on death row, but also ensure that Singapore is not left behind by the international trend away from the use of capital punishment.

Prime Minister Wong has so far not made any public statements on Singapore’s use of the death penalty. However, the first clemency granted to a death row prisoner in 27 years—which would not have been possible without Wong’s Cabinet advising President Tharman Shanmugaratnam to do so—shows that change is possible. Prime Minister Wong should not remain silent on this issue, and should demonstrate leadership in ending Singapore’s use of the death penalty.

Malaysia’s Role as ASEAN Chair: A Chance to Lead on Abolition

Malaysia’s abolition of the mandatory death penalty came into effect in July 2023, preceding a comprehensive resentencing process in court for all individuals sentenced to the mandatory death penalty prior to the amendments, including those convicted of drug trafficking. As a result, most death sentences have been set aside and replaced with 30 to 40 years imprisonment and, when applicable, whipping.

We are encouraged by the recent announcement that the moratorium on executions continues to be observed in Malaysia and that a new study is being commissioned to consider the potential abolition of the death penalty. As the current Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Malaysia is uniquely positioned to champion human rights in the region. Malaysia’s intervention in these cases would not only demonstrate its commitment to support its nationals facing execution abroad, but also its leadership in advancing a human rights agenda within ASEAN.

We call on the authorities of the two countries to:

  1. Engage in swift and effective intervention: Utilise all available channels, including direct diplomatic appeals to urge the Government of Singapore to halt the executions of Datchinamurthy, Pannir, Saminathan, and Lingkesvaran, and to prevent further executions from taking place in Singapore, including those that would be unlawful under international law and standards;
  2. Leverage ASEAN mechanisms and lead by example: Utilise Malaysia’s position as ASEAN Chair to advocate for regional cooperation to abolish the death penalty, while moving towards full abolition at home to set a strong example for the region.
  3. Commit to steps toward full abolition of the death penalty: Implement or maintain a moratorium on executions, and commission independent, evidence-based and transparent studies on moving away from capital punishment.

This is not merely about saving the lives of a select few men languishing on death row in Singapore’s Changi Prison. It is about ending the cruelty of the death penalty, ensuring that both Singapore and Malaysia uphold the dignity and rights of all, and demonstrating the leadership needed to move their countries and the region towards abolition.

We call on the Malaysian Government to act without delay, and on the Singaporean authorities to implement an immediate moratorium on the death penalty, and refrain from issuing any execution notices.

*On 21 September 2025, Datchinamurthy Kataiah’s family received news that his execution will be carried out on 25 September, 2025 at Changi Prison.

Signatories:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Amnesty International
  3. Capital Punishment Justice Project
  4. Transformative Justice Collective (Singapore)
  5. Student Actions for Transformative Justice (SATU, Singapore)
  6. Alliance Against the Death Penalty (AADP, Singapore)
  7. Function 8 (Singapore)
  8. Center for Orang Asli Concerns
  9. Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law initiative
  10. Freedom Film Network
  11. Sebaran Kasih Malaysia
  12. ECPM (Together Against the Death Penalty)
  13. MADPET-Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture
  14. Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights
  15. Redemption Pakistan
  16. Workers Hub For Change (WH4C)
  17. North South Initiative
  18. Julian Wagner Memorial Fund Inc.
  19. Australians Against Capital Punishment
  20. The National Human Rights Society (HAKAM)
  21. Centre for Independent Journalism
  22. HAKAM
  23. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
  24. Coalition for Clean & Fair Election (BERSIH)
  25. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia [SABM]
  26. SIS Forum (Malaysia)
  27. TENAGANITA
  28. Maldivian Democracy Network
  29. Bersih
  30. KLSCAH Youth
  31. Puerto Rico Bar
  32. ALIRAN
  33. International Federation of Journalists

 

Read the full joint media statement here

隆雪华青声援马大新青年 呼吁正面看待青年讨论政策

隆雪华青声援马大新青年发表对大专入学机制的立场,并呼吁各界人士积极看待青年发声,而非引用恶法打压异议。

近日,马大新青年表示统一入学考试乃是解决大专入学机制不公根属方式,不料却遭有心人曲解本意,将入学不公炒作成种族议题。雪上加霜的是,部分人士针对马大新青年的立场报警,而警方也宣称将会在“破坏社会安宁罪”下调查马大新青年。

隆雪华青捍卫马大新青年的言论自由,并强调该组织只是针对时事课题表达立场,属青年参与政策讨论的方式。不论各界是否同意他们的立场,应理性回应,而非透过报警、用公权力与恶法打压意见不同的人。我们提醒,政府早已把投票年龄下调至18岁,若青年无法表达政见,站在投票箱前的他们又该如何抉择?此外,利用法律打压青年发表言论,有违朝野一致通过的18岁投票修宪案及赋权年轻人的共识。

隆雪华青也表示,每个人都有权针对大专录取机制直抒己见,若是因意见不合就要报警,岂非造成社会不安,人人自危,联邦宪法底下都赋予的言论自由也会毁于一旦。

最后,隆雪华青强调此次风波根源在于国立大专录取机制的不透明,因此政府应该正视问题,而非解决提出问题的人。我们再次强调母会立场,即促请政府重塑现有的 UPU录取机制,落实统一的公立大学入学考试制度,以同一试卷、同一录取标准评估所有入学申请,才能避免人才外流。

隆雪华青也呼吁警方立即停止调查马大新青年,并要求政府保障青年的言论自由,避免积极参与政策讨论的青年遭受网络霸凌,让每个公民都能行驶宪法所赋予的权利。

Joint Statement of Malaysian Trade Union and Civil Society Organisations:Boycott the Myanmar Junta’s Sham Elections

Today, 15th September, on the occasion of International Democracy Day, we, the undersigned trade unions, labour organisations, and civil society organisations in the Malaysia, issue this joint statement to unequivocally condemn the Myanmar military junta’s dangerous manoeuvring to legitimise its dictatorship through sham elections scheduled on 28th December.

A Mockery of Democracy

Today, as the world celebrates the principles of democracy—including the free and fair elections, Myanmar’s illegal military junta stands exposed for its relentless assault on those very ideals. The so-called “elections” orchestrated by the military regime are not a restoration of democracy but but a calculated ploy to entrench military rule and extend authoritarian control. These polls are conducted amid systematic violence, mass detentions, the dismantling of genuine opposition, and the exclusion of millions through conflict and displacement. These are conditions fundamentally hostile to free, fair, and participatory elections.

Since the coup in February 2021, the junta has waged a campaign of terror and repression against the people of Myanmar. Over 5,000 civilians have been killed, more than 30,000 arbitrarily detained, and hundreds of thousands displaced. Trade unions have been systematically targeted, with at least 151 trade union leaders arrested and 37 killed for their activism. These attacks have dismantled fundamental freedoms, including the right to freedom of association and collective bargaining.

The junta’s assault on freedom of expression has also intensified. At least 11 media workers have been killed since the coup. Over 220 journalists from more than 100 media outlets have been detained, with 176 of them charged under nine separate laws, including incitement, “false news,” and sweeping counter-terrorism provisions. As of July 2025, 49 journalists remained behind bars.

To make matters worse, the junta has rebranded its governing body from the “State Administration Council” (SAC) to the “State Security and Peace Commission” (SSPC).  This rebranding is a strategic ploy to circumvent international sanctions. The name may have changed, but the violence, repression, and impunity remain the same.

The world must not forget the junta’s blatant refusal to honor the people’s landslide verdict in the 1990 election, or how it rigged the 2010 vote to install a quasi-civilian government that tricked many into believing in a false dawn of reform. To be deceived again by the same playbook would be a willful disregard of history and a betrayal of the Myanmar people’s enduring and bloody struggle for genuine democracy.

Elections held under martial law, with legitimate and independent political parties banned, journalists silenced, and entire regions subjected to occupation and terror, are a mockery of democracy. They are not a pathway to restoration—they are a deliberate façade. The military’s “roadmap” is paved with bloodshed, intimidation, and exclusion; it leads only to permanent authoritarianism and continued suffering for the people of Myanmar.

Here in Malaysia, the call for free and fair elections is not an abstract concept; it is a core principle of our own democratic struggle. Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s political legacy is intrinsically linked to this struggle, having been a central figure in the BERSIH movement in early days. The very principles of transparency, fairness, and respect for the people’s will that he championed on the streets of Kuala Lumpur must now be applied with moral clarity from the Chair of ASEAN. To remain silent or offer tacit acceptance of the junta’s electoral charade would be a profound contradiction of his unwavering domestic stance. Consistency demands that a leader who fights for clean elections at home must unequivocally condemn fabricated elections abroad; this is therefore not just a foreign policy issue, but a test of the principles that form the bedrock of his leadership.

We therefore issue this urgent call to the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim, as the Chair of ASEAN to rally Malaysia and other ASEAN governments to:

1.    Reject the Myanmar junta’s sham elections: Denounce and do not recognize the elections’ legitimacy, outcome, or any governing structure that arises from them. These elections must be exposed as political manoeuvre to consolidate military rule and whitewash human rights abuses.

2.    Boycott the sham elections: We call on all democratic forces, inside and outside Myanmar, to actively boycott these sham elections. Participation will only serve to whitewash military atrocities and undermine the democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar.

3.    Maintain and Enforce Sanctions: Close the loophole created by the junta’s rebranding of the SAC to the SSPC and to relentlessly continue to enforce and monitor sanctions.  Any failure to sanction the SSPC as the direct continuation of the SAC will embolden the junta and undermine global accountability efforts.

There Can Be No Democracy Without the People

The people of Myanmar have already spoken. Through mass protests, civil disobedience, and ongoing resistance, they have made clear that they reject military rule and demand a genuine democratic transition.

We stand in solidarity with Myanmar’s workers, youth, ethnic nationalities, and democratic forces. We will not normalize dictatorship. We will not remain silent. And we will not allow this electoral charade to subvert the sovereign will of the people who determined to be free.

 

Read the full joint statement here

隆雪华青促展延《城市翻新法令》:捍卫居住正义,拒绝发展商圈地。

隆雪华青呼吁房屋及地方政府部长倪可敏,立即展延原定于周四进行二读的《城市翻新法令》,展开更广泛公众咨询与实质修正,确保法令能够保障居民福祉与城市可持续发展,而非交由发展商主导。

隆雪华青认为,现有的《城市翻新法令》架构,本质上更倾向于满足发展商的土地整合与项目便利,缺乏《新城市议程》“以人为本”的核心概念,缺乏全面规划视角,没有把翻新作为改善社区宜居性与长期可持续的契机,反而容易沦为发展商的新一轮圈地工具。

部长声称法案已进行106次咨询,然而隆雪华青质疑,为何现有法案没有规定强制性的社会影响评估(SIA),同时缺乏独立监督机制。任何由部长、官员和地方政府组成的执行委员会,都无法真正保障居民权益,甚至存有政治与发展商利益凌驾于公共利益之风险。

更令人担忧的是,法令虽然对业主提供了基本补偿与安置机制,却完全忽视租户的权益。在大城市中,许多低收入家庭、年轻打工者都是租房而居。一旦城市翻新启动,便将边缘化此群体,不但获无赔偿,也无家可归。为此,我们呼吁政府借鉴新加坡与香港机制,为公宅租户提供替代单位,或为居民与部分租户提供过渡住房或租金补贴。

隆雪华青重申,城市翻新固然重要,但我们反对在缺乏监督、偏向发展商的模式下草率推进此议程。根据联合国人居署所倡导的《新城市议程》,任何城市更新都必须以“可持续发展”、“社会公平”与“保障弱势群体”为核心,确保发展不以牺牲低收入者及租客为代价。马来西亚作为现任联合国人居署大会主席国,更应以身作则,把“以人为本、不让任何人掉队”的原则落实在国内政策之中。

因此,我们敦促倪可敏部长立即展延《城市翻新法令》,重新开展真正的公众协商,并确保法案符合国际规范与全民福祉,而不是成为发展商的新特权。

Kuala Lumpur Zine Etc 2025

The 3-day KL Zine Fest is coming to The KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH)!

Kuala Lumpur Zine Etc 2025 is a three-day festival aimed at celebrating and promoting zine culture, self-publishing, local history, cultural writing, and the DIY spirit.

This festival seeks to strengthen the local creative community and foster cultural exchange by providing a platform for local readers and zine makers to showcase, learn and collaborate.

Featuring over 30 zine makers and independent publishers from local and other Asia regions (Singapore, Indonesia, Hong Kong, Taiwan), to participate in this festival.

Besides the zine market, KL Zine etc. will also organize an exciting lineup of event, including workshops, talks, exhibitions, and documentary screenings.

If you’re interested in zine culture and self-independent publishing, this is an event you won’t want to miss!

Event Details:

Date: 1 – 3 August 2025 (Fri – Sun)
Time: 11 AM – 7 PM
Venue: The KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH)

Co-organizers:
Rumah Attap Library & Collective, indie bookshop Tokosue, online bookstore Otter is Reading, KLSCAH Youth, as well as friends and supporters of the original KL Zine Fest.

Ticket Price: RM10
(Each ticket comes with a RM5 voucher valid for purchasing zines and merchandise at the fest!)

Workshop Registration: https://forms.gle/S8EskzWUC2YU8iLo6

More event info, visit: https://www.instagram.com/klzineetc

The Teoh Beng Hock Case: A Test of Pakatan Harapan’s Moral Backbone Youth Voters May Deliver a Harsh Verdict in the Next General Election

1. On the anniversary of Teoh Beng Hock’s death, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) Chief Commissioner Azam Baki issued an apology. Soon after, the Democratic Action Party (DAP) leaders held a press conference to apologize to Teoh’s family and urged them to accept “unconditional” monetary compensation.

2. Yet, perplexingly, neither the government nor the political party has confronted the core of the case — the three simple, powerful demands of Teoh’s family: seeking truth, ii. realising justice, and iii. systemic reform. Even more disappointing is the collective absence and severe dereliction of duty by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Minister of Home Affairs Saifuddin Nasution Ismail on this major human rights issue.

3. An apology cannot replace the judiciary, and compensation does not equate to justice. Any attempt to “settle” this case with money or to diminish it as a private arrangement between a political party and the grieving family would, in fact, condone institutional violence. It allows state power to override the law and breeds a dangerous culture of impunity.

4. An apology without criminal accountability is merely a fig leaf for a culture of impunity; compensation without full truth is more like an ‘indulgence’ for institutional murder. Without action, talk of transitional justice becomes empty noise, and promises of reform become pale, brittle, and meaningless.

5. We are particularly alarmed that, even as the controversy over the “no further action” (NFA) decision in the Teoh Beng Hock case unfolds, both the Prime Minister and the Home Minister remain nowhere to be seen. On the international stage, Prime Minister Anwar’s presence is widely seen. Just one day after Teoh Beng Hock’s death anniversary, the Prime Minister rightly condemned Israel’s unjust air strikes on Syria, which is commendable. However, we urge Prime Minister Anwar to demonstrate the same resolve in addressing long-standing domestic injustices, such as the Teoh Beng Hock case. Only then can his government be seen as consistent in defending human rights at home and abroad. Otherwise, his spirited pronouncements on human rights risk becoming an international laughingstock.

6. We believe that a case involving human life, abuse of state power, and national integrity should not be addressed by departmental levels or individual political parties. Therefore, we demand that the Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs personally and directly respond to Teoh’s family’s three core demands:

a. Seek Truth: We demand that the government, in accordance with the Court of Appeal’s ruling, establish an independent, professional international criminal investigation team to thoroughly investigate the death and apprehend all MACC officers involved.

b. Reliase Justice: Prosecute and convict officials who violated human rights under Sections 302 or 304 of the Penal Code.

c. Reform the System: Expedite legislative reforms to prevent deaths in custody due to abuse of power by enforcement officers. This includes amending Section 30 of the MACC Act to limit interrogation and statement-taking times and enacting comprehensive anti-torture legislation.

7. We remind Pakatan Harapan to clarify its responsibilities as the ruling party and to stop dwelling in the “good old days” of being in opposition or glorifying past efforts. Back then, Pakatan Harapan leaders righteously criticized the former administration’s incompetence and pleaded with voters for a mandate to enter Putrajaya to seek justice for Teoh Beng Hock. Now, as the government, Pakatan Harapan which sits in the executive branch, holds investigative, enforcement, and prosecutorial powers. The position of Minister of Home Affairs is even held by a PKR Senator. Pakatan Harapan has no excuse to continue shirking responsibility.

8. As the executive power, there is no need for Pakatan Harapan or DAP to initiate judicial review just to re-examine the NFA decision. The government, which holds investigative and prosecutorial powers, need not wait for court rulings to seek truth and promote transformative justice. Since 2018, Pakatan Harapan has been in power for nearly 52 months, or over four years, and should not use “reform takes time” as an excuse to delay responsibility.

9. We once again call on the government to demonstrate political resolve and directly address Teoh’s family’s three demands.

10. As the ancient wisdom teaches:

  • To be without compassion is not to be human;
  • To feel no shame is not to be human;
  • To lack humility is not to be human;
  • To be indifferent to right and wrong is not to be human

11. The Teoh Beng Hock case is a benchmark for political morality and governance. Sixteen years of unredressed injustice serves as a test of whether our political leaders still uphold the baseline of humanity, conscience, morality, and the system.

12. We warn that the upcoming responses from Prime Minister Anwar, DAP, and Pakatan Harapan will profoundly influence how the youth and university students evaluate you — not just as politicians, but as leaders. If you continue to dodge the core issues, we will not forget. And we will respond with our votes in the next general election.

 

 Endorsed by:

  1. KLSCAH Youth 隆雪华青
  2. ⁠University of Malaya Association for New Youth (UMANY) 马大新青年
  3. ⁠MANDIRI
  4. Liga Demokratik Rakyat
  5. HAYAT
  6. ⁠Undi 18
  7. Klima Action Malaysia (KAMY)
  8. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  9. ⁠New Era University College Student Union 新纪元大学学院学生会
  10. ⁠STUDENT PROGRESSIVE FRONT UUM
  11. Federasi Pemuda Kebangsaan
  12. ⁠Himpunan Advokasi Rakyat Malaysia (HARAM)
  13. Demokrat Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (Demokrat UKM)
  14. ⁠Ikatan Mahasiswa Demokratik Malaysia
  15. ⁠Pertubuhan Mahasiswa Kongres Gombak (CONGRESS)
  16. Suara Mahasiswa UMS
  17. Liga Mahasiswa Malaysia
  18. ⁠⁠Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Teknologi Malaysia
  19. ⁠⁠Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sains Malaysia
  20. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Malaya
  21. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin
  22. ⁠⁠Pejuang Siswa UM
  23. ⁠Gerakan Mahasiswa Maju UPM
  24. Ikatan Anak Muda Tawau – IKAT
  25. ⁠⁠Gerakan Perempuan Melawan
  26. Kesatuan Mahasiswa Universiti Alternatif
  27. Borneo Komrad
  28. Malacca Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section 马六甲中华大会堂青年团
  29. Pemuda Pertubuhan Penganut Dewa Heng Soon Kong Tai Bak Gong Senai
  30. ⁠GERAKAN MAHASISWA MAJU UPM
  31. ⁠GenZScope
  32. Persatuan Kawan Karib Melaka
  33. ⁠Selangor and KL Hokkien Association Youth Section 雪隆福青
  34. Kuala Lumpur Eng Choon Hoey Kuan Youth Section吉隆坡永春会馆青年团
  35. Pertubuhan Anak Muda Maju
  36. ⁠⁠The Selangor and KL Nan Ann Association Youth Section雪隆南安青
  37. Angkatan Generasi Insaf 新华青
  38. Agora Society Malaysia 群议社
  39. ⁠Persatuan Kwang Tung Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur Youth Section 雪隆广东会馆青年部
  40. Persatuan Bahasa Cina Universiti Malaya 马来亚大学华文学会
  41. Gerakan Belia Sepunjabi Malaysia (GBSM)
  42. Cahaya Society
  43. Sunway University Chinese Cultural Society 双威大学华文学会
  44. Youth Bureau of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall 森美兰中华大会堂青年团The Teoh Beng Hock Case: A Test of Pakatan Harapan’s Moral Backbone Youth Voters May Deliver a Harsh Verdict in the Next General Election

Kes Kematian Teoh Beng Hock: Ukuran Nilai Kemanusiaan dan Integriti Pakatan Harapan

1. Pada hari memperingati pemergian mendiang Teoh Beng Hock, Ketua Pesuruhjaya SPRM, Tan Sri Azam Baki mengeluarkan kenyataan memohon maaf, manakala pimpinan DAP pula mengadakan sidang media untuk memohon maaf dan menggesa keluarga Teoh agar menerima bayaran pampasan kewangan secara tanpa syarat.

2. Namun amat mengecewakan, baik pihak kerajaan mahupun parti politik seakan-akan mengelak daripada menangani inti pati sebenar kes ini, iaitu tiga tuntutan utama keluarga Teoh: i. mencari kebenaran, ii. menegakkan keadilan dan iii. melaksanakan reformasi institusi.

3. Sekiranya kerajaan cuba menutup kes ini dengan pampasan wang ringgit, atau memperkecilkan tragedi ini kepada urusan peribadi antara DAP dan keluarga mangsa, implikasinya adalah ia akan membiarkan penyalahgunaan kuasa dalam institusi berleluasa serta menyemarakkan budaya ‘bebas daripada hukuman’ dalam kalangan penguatkuasa.

4. Lebih mengecewakan lagi, Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim dan Menteri Dalam Negeri Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution masih membisu mengenai isu hak asasi manusia yang penting ini sejak pengumuman keputusan NFA (no further action). Hal ini satu kegagalan kepemimpinan yang serius.

5. Perdana Menteri sering tampil di pentas antarabangsa; contohnya, sehari selepas ulang tahun kematian mendiang Teoh Beng Hock, beliau mengecam serangan udara Israel terhadap Syria. Pendirian ini wajar dipuji. Namun kami mendesak Perdana Menteri untuk menunjukkan kelantangan dan komitmen yang sama dalam menangani ketidakadilan di dalam negara, seperti kes Teoh Beng Hock. Jika tidak, komitmen hak asasi manusia kerajaan hanya akan dilihat sebagai retorik kosong dan bahan ketawa di mata dunia.

6. Kes ini melibatkan nyawa seorang rakyat, penyalahgunaan kuasa awam, integriti institusi, dan maruah negara. Oleh itu, kami mendesak Perdana Menteri dan Menteri Dalam Negeri sendiri tampil menjawab tiga tuntutan keluarga Teoh:

a. Mencari Kebenaran: Menubuhkan pasukan siasatan jenayah antarabangsa dan profesional yang bebas, seperti yang disarankan oleh keputusan Mahkamah Rayuan, untuk menyiasat kematian ini secara menyeluruh dan mengenakan tindakan terhadap semua pegawai SPRM yang terlibat.

b.Tegakkan Keadilan: Mendakwa dan mensabitkan kesalahan terhadap pegawai yang melanggar hak asasi manusia bawah Seksyen 302 atau 304 Kanun Keseksaan.

c. Reformasi Institusi: Melaksanakan pindaan undang-undang dengan segera bagi mengelakkan kematian dalam tahanan akibat salah guna kuasa. Ini termasuk meminda Seksyen 30 Akta SPRM yang berkait dengan had masa soal siasat dan rakaman kenyataan, serta menggubal undang-undang menentang penyiksaan.

7. Kami juga ingin mengingatkan Pakatan Harapan tentang tanggungjawabnya sebagai parti komponen pemerintah. Dahulu, pimpinan PH lantang mengkritik kelemahan kerajaan lama dan memohon mandat rakyat untuk menuntut keadilan buat mendiang Teoh Beng Hock. Hari ini, setelah mendapat kuasa pentadbiran, siasatan, penguatkuasaan dan pendakwaan, dengan portfolio Menteri Dalam Negeri disandang oleh senator PKR sendiri, PH tidak lagi boleh beralasan atau menuding jari.

8. Dengan kuasa siasatan dan pendakwaan yang ada, kerajaan boleh dan wajar menyiasat semula dan mengambil tindakan sewajarnya. Malah, setelah hampir 52 bulan atau lebih 4 tahun mentadbir mulai tahun 2018, alasan “reformasi perlukan masa” tidak lagi boleh diterima.

9. Kami sekali lagi menyeru kerajaan untuk menunjukkan keazaman politik dan memberikan maklum balas secara langsung terhadap tiga tuntutan keluarga Teoh.

10. Jika tiada rasa belas kasihan, bukanlah ia manusia; Jika tiada rasa malu dan benci kejahatan, bukanlah ia manusia; Jika tiada rasa rendah diri dan tolak ansur, bukanlah ia manusia; Jika tiada rasa benar dan silapnya, bukanlah ia manusia.

11. Kes Teoh Beng Hock adalah tanda aras kepada moral politik dan keinsafan pentadbiran. Enam belas tahun telah berlalu, keadilan masih belum ditegakkan. Kes ini menguji sejauh mana pemimpin negara sanggup mempertahankan nilai kemanusiaan, nurani, etika dan prinsip kedaulatan undang-undang.

12. Pendekatan Perdana Menteri Anwar, DAP, dan Pakatan Harapan dalam isu ini akan dinilai oleh para anak muda serta mahasiswa. Jika mereka terus mengelak atau berdolak-dalih, undi kami akan menjadi hukuman terhadap mereka pada pilihan raya akan datang.

 

Disokong oleh:

  1. ⁠KLSCAH Youth 隆雪华青
  2. University of Malaya Association for New Youth (UMANY) 马大新青年
  3. MANDIRI
  4. Liga Demokratik Rakyat
  5. HAYAT
  6. Undi 18
  7. Klima Action Malaysia (KAMY)
  8. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  9. New Era University College Student Union 新纪元大学学院学生会
  10. STUDENT PROGRESSIVE FRONT UUM
  11. Federasi Pemuda Kebangsaan
  12. Himpunan Advokasi Rakyat Malaysia (HARAM)
  13. Demokrat Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (Demokrat UKM)
  14. ⁠Ikatan Mahasiswa Demokratik Malaysia
  15. Pertubuhan Mahasiswa Kongres Gombak (CONGRESS)
  16. Suara Mahasiswa UMS
  17. Liga Mahasiswa Malaysia
  18. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Teknologi Malaysia
  19. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sains Malaysia
  20. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Malaya
  21. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin
  22. Pejuang Siswa UM
  23. Gerakan Mahasiswa Maju UPM
  24. Ikatan Anak Muda Tawau – IKAT
  25. Gerakan Perempuan Melawan
  26. Kesatuan Mahasiswa Universiti Alternatif
  27. Borneo Komrad
  28. Malacca Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section 马六甲中华大会堂青年团
  29. Pemuda Pertubuhan Penganut Dewa Heng Soon Kong Tai Bak Gong Senai
  30. GERAKAN MAHASISWA MAJU UPM
  31. GenZScope
  32. Persatuan Kawan Karib Melaka
  33. Selangor and KL Hokkien Association Youth Section 雪隆福青
  34. Kuala Lumpur Eng Choon Hoey Kuan Youth Section吉隆坡永春会馆青年团
  35. Pertubuhan Anak Muda Maju
  36. The Selangor and KL Nan Ann Association Youth Section雪隆南安青
  37. Angkatan Generasi Insaf 新华青
  38. Agora Society Malaysia 群议社
  39. Persatuan Kwang Tung Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur Youth Section雪隆广东会馆青年部
  40. Persatuan Bahasa Cina Universiti Malaya 马来亚大学华文学会
  41. Gerakan Belia Sepunjabi Malaysia (GBSM)
  42. Cahaya Society
  43. Sunway University Chinese Cultural Society 双威大学华文学会
  44. Youth Bureau of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall 森美兰中华大会堂青年团

赵明福案:检验希盟人性与道德底线 青年选民或在下届大选作出严厉审判

在赵明福忌日之际,反贪污委员会(MACC)主席阿占巴基发表道歉声明,民主行动党领袖更召开记者会,向赵家道歉并呼吁家属接受“无条件”的金钱赔偿。令人费解的是,政府与政党都回避案件核心——赵家的三大诉求:寻求真相、实现正义和改革制度。更令人失望的是,首相安华与内政部长赛夫丁在此重大人权议题上集体缺席,严重失责。

道歉不能替代司法,赔偿不等于正义。若企图以金钱“了结”此案,或将之矮化为政党与家属的私相授受,实则是纵容制度暴力,使公权力凌驾于法律之上,助长免责文化歪风。

没有刑事问责的道歉,不过是免责文化的遮羞布;没有真相的赔偿,终将沦为制度杀人的赎罪券。转型正义变相空谈,改革承诺也苍白无力、毫无意义。

此外,我们感叹,自赵明福NFA案件发酵至今,首相安华与内政部长赛夫丁至今不见踪影。在国际舞台上,首相安华身影四处可见。就如在赵明福忌日隔日,首相便谴责以色列空袭叙利亚不义之举,值得嘉许。但是,我们敦促首相安华也应拿出同等魄力,关注国内长期以来的不公不义,如赵明福案件,建立国内外言行一致、捍卫人权的公信力,否则精神喊话只会沦为国际笑柄。

我们认为,一个关系人命、公权力与国家诚信的案件,不应由部门层级或个别政党代为发言。为此,我们要求首相与内政部长亲自回应赵家三大诉求。

一、寻求真相:要求政府根据上诉庭裁决,成立独立专业国际刑事调查团队彻查命案,将所有涉案反贪会官员逮捕归案;

二、实现正义:以《刑事法典》第302或304条,将侵犯人权的官员检控定罪;

三、改革制度:尽快修法,杜绝执法人员滥权导致扣留所死亡,包括修订《反贪会法令》第30条限制盘问和录供时间,并制定反酷刑法规。

我们提醒希盟务必厘清自己作为执政党的职责,勿再沉浸于反对党美好年代或歌颂过往努力。当初,希盟领袖义正言辞批评前朝无能,恳求选民委托进入布城,为明福讨回公道。而如今身为政府,希盟早已掌握行政权、调查权、执法权与提控权,内政部长一职更是由公正党议员出任,希盟无借口再继续推卸责任。

作为行政权,希盟或行动党无需发动司法审核来检讨NFA决定;掌握调查权与提控权的政府,也无需等法院判决才可寻找真相、推动转型正义。况且希盟前后执政近52个月或4年多,不该以 “改革需要时间” 为由推拖责任。我们再次呼吁政府展现政治决心,直球回应赵家三大诉求。

无恻隐之心,非人也;无羞恶之心,非人也;无辞让之心,非人也;无是非之心,非人也。

赵明福案是政治道德与执政修养的标尺。十六载沉冤未雪,它检验着政治领袖是否坚守人性、良知、道德与制度的底线。我们警告,首相安华、行动党与希盟接下来的回应,将深刻影响青年与大专生对你们的政治评估。若继续避重就轻,我们将在下一届大选,以选票作出严厉审判。

 

联署单位:

  1. ⁠KLSCAH Youth 隆雪华青
  2. University of Malaya Association for New Youth (UMANY) 马大新青年
  3. MANDIRI
  4. Liga Demokratik Rakyat
  5. HAYAT
  6. Undi 18
  7. Klima Action Malaysia (KAMY)
  8. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  9. New Era University College Student Union 新纪元大学学院学生会
  10. STUDENT PROGRESSIVE FRONT UUM
  11. Federasi Pemuda Kebangsaan
  12. Himpunan Advokasi Rakyat Malaysia (HARAM)
  13. Demokrat Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (Demokrat UKM)
  14. ⁠Ikatan Mahasiswa Demokratik Malaysia
  15. Pertubuhan Mahasiswa Kongres Gombak (CONGRESS)
  16. Suara Mahasiswa UMS
  17. Liga Mahasiswa Malaysia
  18. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Teknologi Malaysia
  19. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sains Malaysia
  20. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Malaya
  21. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin
  22. Pejuang Siswa UM
  23. Gerakan Mahasiswa Maju UPM
  24. Ikatan Anak Muda Tawau – IKAT
  25. Gerakan Perempuan Melawan
  26. Kesatuan Mahasiswa Universiti Alternatif
  27. Borneo Komrad
  28. Malacca Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section 马六甲中华大会堂青年团
  29. Pemuda Pertubuhan Penganut Dewa Heng Soon Kong Tai Bak Gong Senai
  30. GERAKAN MAHASISWA MAJU UPM
  31. GenZScope
  32. Persatuan Kawan Karib Melaka
  33. Selangor and KL Hokkien Association Youth Section 雪隆福青
  34. Kuala Lumpur Eng Choon Hoey Kuan Youth Section吉隆坡永春会馆青年团
  35. Pertubuhan Anak Muda Maju
  36. The Selangor and KL Nan Ann Association Youth Section雪隆南安青
  37. Angkatan Generasi Insaf 新华青
  38. Agora Society Malaysia 群议社
  39. ⁠Persatuan Kwang Tung Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur Youth Section雪隆广东会馆青年部
  40. Persatuan Bahasa Cina Universiti Malaya 马来亚大学华文学会
  41. Gerakan Belia Sepunjabi Malaysia (GBSM)
  42. Cahaya Society
  43. Sunway University Chinese Cultural Society 双威大学华文学会
  44. Youth Bureau of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall 森美兰中华大会堂青年团

隆雪华青第17届(2025-2028)理事会复选成绩出炉

隆雪华青已于昨日顺利召开第17届理事会复选会议,遴选出团内要职。此次复选会议是继6月21日举办的团员大会暨改选后召开的会议,由团长及20名个人团员与团体代表组成的新届理事会。

新任团长黄彦铬表示,隆雪华青在未来三年的目标包括延续与会馆的紧密联系、招募新团员,并致力将隆雪华青打造为会馆、学生组织及学运团体进行公共参与的讨论平台。

黄彦铬在会上肯定第16届理事会积极响应的VoteMalaysia邮寄选票计划,成功让更多选票票票入柜,提升大选的投票率。他也指出未来三年或将迎来全国大选,因此本团将继续推广本团宗旨与“育我华青、民主为训”团训,通过扎根基层,加强各种公民与人权教育,鼓励更多年轻人参与民主进程,推动“公民社会”与“还政于民”的理念。

至于文化教育方面,隆雪华青将持续推动具品牌意义的“千人义山行”与“年味节”,不仅聚焦于节日与传统文化的传承,也通过举办在地化的活动,认识当地历史。

此外,黄彦铬也强调,隆雪华青将进一步强化日前制定与推出的《反性骚扰:预防与保护守则》,提高组织的性别意识,并加强与其他会馆和非政府组织的联系,将《反性骚扰守则》普及化。

为更有效落实上述目标,新届理事会亦宣布重组现有的团内职务架构,设立的小组包括“性别正义与包容事务组”、“公民与政治教育组”、“公民倡议与研究组”、“会馆联谊组”以及“文宣组”。

 

隆雪华青第17届(2025-2028)理事会

团长:黄彦铬

署理团长:蔡传煌

副团长:范国辉(雪隆广东会馆青年部)、颜志杰(雪隆福建会馆青年团)

秘书:王玟皓,副秘书:王程聪(雪隆福州会馆青年团)、毛紫蒨

财政:刘振毅(隆雪河婆同乡会青年部),副财政:谢国豪

性别正义与包容事务组
主任:张嘉恩,副主任:苏柔匀

公民与政治教育组
主任:廖品淳,副主任:谢癸铨(新纪元校友会)

公民倡议与研究组
主任:谢家轩,副主任:邓康耀

会馆联谊组
主任:陈为恒(加影育华学校校友会青年团),副主任:陈国雄(雪隆会甯公会青年团)

文宣组主任:吴奇杰

理事:郑迪翰(雪隆海南会馆青年团)、张安妮(雪隆南安会馆青年团)、吴景浩(隆雪客家总会青年团)

 

  

 

隆雪华青团员大会暨改选顺利进行 新届团长理事诞生

隆雪华青日前于隆雪华堂二楼诚毅厅顺利召开团员大会暨第17届理事会(2025-2028)改选。大会也一致通过13项大会提案,并顺利选出新一届团长及20名初选理事。

李仕强:评安华政府改革乏力 呼吁选民严正批判政府

李仕强在会间提醒青年要为即将到来的选举年做好准备。他表示下一届大选,40 岁以下的青年选票将占近60%,估计超过 1 千 200 万人,因此青年的声音不应该被漠视,青年更应该站出来为自己的权益发声。

他在致词中严正批评安华政府在推动体制改革进展缓慢,举例如今言论自由空间日益收窄,人民集会遭秋后算账,多项恶法至今未见废除,对人权的侵害也持续发生。

“还有原本承诺在年中落实的检控分权迄今仍无下文,从赵明福案件被列为“无进一步行动”(NFA)、纳吉SRC案件被判“获释但不等同无罪”(DNAA),更证明了要有独立的检控官的迫切需要。”

因此,他呼吁安华政府兑现改革承诺,并提醒希盟及联合政府的支持者更应持续监督政府施政,不应失去批判能力。

他说:“尤其是希盟或联合政府的支持者,更应持续监督和严厉批判政府,不要纵容你们所支持的政府,任由它变成一个腐败的政权。”

李仕强:青年团应勇于开创其世代的使命与责任

针对连任,团长李仕强表示一个组织的健康传承就是要不断有新血的加入,也要让新人更快速地进入领导班底。

他补充说明:隆雪华青最年轻的团员年仅21岁,该团无青黄不接的问题,因此他选择不寻求连任,交棒于新领导层,让新一代的年轻人带领隆雪华青。

他在会上与团员一同回顾任期内与隆雪华青共同推动的多项工作,包括参与推动邮寄选票倡议、承办“年味节”与“老街走月”社区活动、重新定位千人义山行、创设人权营、策划并巡回展出人权展、与难民权益组织合作、与草根社会运动组织连结,以及今日正式推出的《反性骚扰:预防与保护守则》,表示以上皆为该届任内的突破性工作,展现该团动员能力和行动力。

他以此勉励团员们说:青年团不应受限于既有框架,更不该把自身定位做小,青年应怀抱对社会与未来的想像力与行动力,走出自己的道路,开创属于这个世代的使命与责任,并也强调青年团不只是华堂体系下的一个附属青年组织,更是一个深切关注国家发展、洞察国际局势、积极回应时代课题的青年团。

他也以团训“育我华青,民主为训” 勉励新任理事会,也对青年团的未来寄予厚望,并表示隆雪华青今日的成果,并非一人之功,而是全体团员共同努力的结晶。

颜登逸:对任期内的青年团表示肯定

隆雪华堂会长颜登逸在会上肯定青年团在推动性别平权方面所展现的领导角色,并赞扬青年团隆重推出的《反性骚扰:预防与保护守则》,不只是团内制度化建设的一大突破,更是马来西亚华团史上的重要里程碑。这份守则清楚宣示了“零容忍” 的立场,推动组织文化走向安全、尊重与问责,展现了青年团作为进步公民社会一份子的勇气与担当。

他指出,青年团也不忘回应时代脉动,关注人权议题,策划了如人权展、人权营等一系列活动,特别是《追求人权百年路,星火不息争自由》人权巡展,他希望该人权展能持续将人权的理念传播至更多角落,让更多人听见争取自由与尊严的声音。

他也称赞青年团长期关注边缘社群,包括难民、原住民等群体的权利处境,也不忘声援在体制中争取权利的学生组织,展现了对学运精神与青年前线行动的深切理解与连结。

他期许新一届的青年团理事,继续秉持公义良知,不惧压力,不畏权势,勇敢为社会的不公不义发声,在乱象中坚持原则,在巨变中守住信念。

他强调,隆雪华堂引以为傲的,不只是历史与传统,更是有你们一群有担当、有理想、有行动力的青年,并呼吁大家共同建设一个更正义、更平等、更有尊严的社会。

戴炳煌:应重新倡导会议规范的重要性

隆雪华青督导戴炳煌说,隆雪华青自成立以来,积极关注多个社会议题包括大专生的权益,赵明福命案,和华总近期的“免选连任”等议题,真正体现了“风声雨声读书声,声声入耳;国事家事天下事,事事关心”的精神。

他指出,近期多个华团出现行为倒退现象如“免选连任”,其中有一个全国性的联合会的会长企图通过修改章程,延长其任期,也甚至将青年团年龄上限从45岁提高至50岁,只为特点人选能够担任团长,这些行为反映了领导层对章程的藐视以及对组织运作的无知与贪婪,殊不知章程乃是团体赖以运作的顶梁柱。

他说明,隆雪华青一向以“育我华青,民主为训”为己任,曾积极走访全国各地推广“会议规范”,及举办讲座会,致力于提升华团领袖对组织宗旨、会议目的、议会民主精神以及章程重要性的认识。当时,这项工作获得各地华团的热烈响应,使“会议规范”逐渐成为我们的品牌,间接上也奠定了隆雪华青在青年团体的领导地位。

因此,他认为,在华社乱象再现的当下,隆雪华青有必要延续“育我华青,民主为训”倡议,重新倡导“会议规范”的重要性,推动组织迈向健康的结社文化,为建设公民社会贡献力量,既有其必要性,也正当其时。

黄彦铬当选新届团长

隆雪华青第17届理事会改选在选举委员会主席谢光量及成员陈松林、李伟康、苏健顺和赖康辉的主持下、成功票选出新任团长、10位个人理事和10位团体理事。

本团以秘密投票方式直选团长。团员黄彦铬在没有竞争对手下,以38票赞成及7票反对,通过公投当选第17届隆雪华青团长。

通过初选的理事分别为:

个人理事(不分先后):

张嘉恩
谢国豪
谢家轩
毛紫蒨
蔡传煌
王玟皓
吴奇杰
邓康耀
苏柔匀
廖品淳

团体理事(不分先后):

新纪元校友会  谢癸铨
雪隆福州会馆青年团  王程聪
雪隆广东会馆青年部  范国辉
隆雪河婆同乡会青年部  刘振毅
隆雪客家总会青年团  吴景浩
雪隆会甯公会青年团  陈国雄
雪隆福建会馆青年团  颜志杰
雪隆南安会馆青年团  张安妮
加影育华学校校友会青年团  陈为恒
雪隆海南会馆青年团  郑迪翰

查账:

李淑炜
陈韦宏

 

隆雪华青大会提案

提案一:平反赵明福,反对“无进一步行动”(NFA),要求政府迅速提控凶手。

提案二:敦促各国立与私立教育机构执行《反性骚扰守则》,加强投诉机制,打造安全校园。

提案三:要求政府废除《1971大专法令》与《1996私立大专法令》,恢复“校园自主·学生自治“之精神。

提案四:敦促政府重新提控前首相纳吉、现任副首相阿末扎希与查办沙巴贪污案。

提案五:反对阿占巴基连任,推动独立的反贪会主席遴选制度。

提案六:要求政府落实“总检察长-检察司”分权(Separation Of Power Between Attorney General – Public Prosecutor),并提供其时间线。

提案七:要求政府设立提前投票机制(early voting system),加强民主选举原则。

提案八:要求政府执行选区划分改革,实现“票票等值”原则。

提案九:要求政府保障新闻及人民的表达自由,废除《1948 年煽动法令》、《1984 年印刷机与出版法令》和《1998 年通讯及多媒体法》的第 233 条文。

提案十:要求政府重新检讨SST落实的范围,避免对中小型企业和中低收入群体造成更大冲击。

提案十一:要求政府签署国际难民公约,承认难民身份,并建立一套规范和保护难民及寻求庇护者权益的法律和行政框架,并落实及贯彻不遣返原则。

提案十二:要求马来西亚政府与东盟成员国制裁缅甸军政府,阻止人道危机恶化。

提案十三:要求政府检讨《2015年动物福利法令》,禁止捕杀,改以人道和可持续的方式解决流浪动物问题,同时设立特别委员会监督和管理虐杀动物的情况。