Joint Statment | Unlawful Arrests and Forced Evictions in Breach of Selangor Mb’s Directive

We, the undersigned organisations, condemn the arrests of activists S. Arutchelvan and Mythreyar, as well as resident Logeswaran at around 4.00pm on 12 November 2025 under Section 186 of the Penal Code. These arrests were unwarranted. Together with Kampung Papan residents, they clearly informed the police that the Selangor Menteri Besar had authorised that occupied houses are not to be demolished. This directive was issued via the 23 October press statement titled “Kerajaan Negeri Cakna Isu Penempatan Peneroka Jalan Papan”, which affirmed: “Kerajaan Negeri menegaskan bahawa kerja-kerja perobohan hendaklah dihadkan kepada rumah dan premis perniagaan yang kosong serta tidak mempunyai penghuni sahaja selaras dengan arahan dan semangat penyelesaian secara berhemah yang telah dipersetujui bersama melalui perundingan semua pihak berkepentingan yang dipengerusikan YAB Dato Menteri Besar sendiri pada Selasa, 21hb Oktober yang lepas”.

Yet today, homes still occupied by residents were forcefully cleared —belongings removed and residents physically pushed out—directly contravening the Menteri Besar’s statement and the state’s directives. The three individuals arrested were acting on the Selangor State Government’s directive that occupied houses should not be demolished until an amicable solution is achieved. Instead, officers of IPD Klang Selatan, including the OCPD, defied the Menteri Besar’s directive by assisting the developer, Melati Ehsan, to forcibly evict occupants. The arrests are therefore unnecessary and unlawful, as the three acted in accordance with the advice and directive of the Menteri Besar and the state government.

We demand the immediate and unconditional release of S. Arutchelvan, Mythreyar and Logeswaran. We further call on the Selangor state government to intervene and ensure that the demolition is halted, with no further forced evictions undertaken until all residents receive adequate alternative housing.

Endorsed by:

  1. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  2. Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advanacement (TBH-ADA)
  3. Ruang Kongsi
  4. Karunjattai
  5. Kesatuan Pekerja Pekerja Swasta Perkhidmatan Sokongan Di Hospital Hospital Kerajaan Dan Jabatan Jabatan Kerajaan Semenanjung Malaysia
  6. Pertubuhan Persaudaraan Pesawah Malaysia (PeSAWAH)
  7. Forum Kedaulatan Makanan Malaysia (FKMM)
  8. Parti Sosialis Malaysia
  9. Gabungan MARHAEN
  10. Pemuda Sosialis
  11. Third World Network
  12. Center for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC)
  13. Alliance of River Three
  14. Agora Society Malaysia
  15. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)
  16. Aliran
  17. Freedom Film Network
  18. Pusat Pelajar Marhaen (PPM)
  19. Pertubuhan SiraguGal
  20. GEGAR
  21. Jaringan Pekerja Kontrak Kerajaan (JPKK)
  22. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (EMPOWER)
  23. Angkatan Kesatuan Siswa Sosialis (AKSI)
  24. Jaringan Kampung Orang Asli Semenanjung Malaysia (JKOASM)
  25. Jaringan Orang ASLI Negeri Sembilan (JOAN)
  26. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor
  27. Association of Women Lawyers (AWL)
  28. People Like Us Support Ourselves (PLUsos)
  29. Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO)
  30. Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM)
  31. Hindu youths organisation Port Klang
  32. Ikatan Demokratik Malaysia (MUDA)
  33. Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM)
  34. Cahaya Society
  35. Filsufi. & Co
  36. Center to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4)
  37. Citizens Against Enforced Disappearances (CAGED)
  38. Justice For Sisters
  39. SIS Forum Malaysia
  40. ARTICLE 19
  41. KLSCAH Youth
  42. BERSIH
  43. Liga Mahasiswa Malaysia
  44. Liga Mahasiswa Universiti Malaya
  45. Gerakann Perempuan Melawan
  46. Liga Rakyat Demokratik
  47. Federasi Pemuda Kebangsaan
  48. MANDIRI
  49. MAJU
  50. Pro-siswa Kolej Komuniti
  51. Projek Ruang Lawan Malaysia
  52. HAYAT
  53. Amnesty International Malaysia
  54. TENAGANITA
  55. North South Initiative (NSI)
  56. Community Action Network (CAN)
  57. Klima Action Malaysia (KAMY)
  58. Persatuan Martabat Untuk Semua Petaling Jaya (Martabat PJ )
  59. Pusat KOMAS

Individuals

  1. Dr Aaron Denison Deivasagayam
  2. Mayna Ramesh Patel
  3. Thilaga Sulathireh
  4. Beverly Joeman

 

立即释放被捕人士 停止对班达马兰巴板路木屋区居民的强制驱逐

隆雪华堂民权委员会与隆雪华青对近日发生在雪兰莪州巴生班达马兰巴板路(Jalan Papan)木屋区的强制拆除事件深表关注,强烈谴责当局在执行拆迁行动中粗暴对待居民及逮捕声援者的行为。我们要求警方立即无条件释放被警方逮捕的社运分子及居民,包括社会主义党署理主席阿鲁仄万(S. Arutchelvan)、社运人士麦热亚(Mythreyar)、村民代表罗杰斯瓦兰(M Logeswaran)以及社会主义党秘书长西瓦兰惹妮(Sivaranjani),等10余人。

巴板路木屋区土地早在1998年已由雪州政府移交给发展商,目的是为了解决当地居民长期的住房问题。然而,二十余年过去,该木屋区问题仍未妥善解决。近日,发展商依据清空庭令,自11月10日起对空置木屋实施拆除,惟种种现象显示,发展商漠视雪州政府早前达成拆除空屋的协议。

我们认为,此拘捕行动既不合法也不合理。雪州政府于10月23日声明中明确指出,拆除行动仅限空置、无人居住的房屋及商铺,但现场拆除却涉及仍有人居住的房屋,并导致多名居民及前来斡旋的声援者被捕,明显违背州政府原意,也缺乏法律依据。

此外,强拆房屋过程中出现暴力驱逐的情况,警察及执行人员强行清空房屋,推搡居民等,并也发生冲突,包括居民筑起人墙阻止拆迁工作,与镇暴队对峙,有者甚被拘押。这些行为构成强制驱逐,违反人权及州政府承诺。发展商曾向州政府应诺拨出7英亩土地建设可负担住房物安置居民,但截至目前仍未出示正式文件,令人担忧。

我们要求雪州政府立即介入调解,停止所有拆迁行动,并与发展商及居民代表进行公开对话,寻求双赢与人道解决方案。我们强调,在居民获得充分安置与可负担替代住房方案之前,严禁进行任何进一步的强制驱逐行动,以确保无人无家可归或家庭流离失所。

隆雪华堂民权委员会与隆雪华青呼吁各方遵守法治与人权原则。拆迁应以协商为本,而非以暴力或压制手段解决土地及居住权争议。

Joint Statement | Malaysia-Singapore Cooperation Can Stop Pannirselvam’s Execution and Address Drug Trafficking

We, the 24 undersigned civil society organisations and individuals, are gravely concerned with the scheduled execution of Pannirselvam A/L Pranthaman in Singapore. The family members of Pannirselvam were notified that his execution has been scheduled for 8 October 2025.

Pannirselvam is a drug courier convicted in Singapore in 2014 for trafficking 51.84 grams of Diamorphine. His status as a courier was acknowledged by the Singapore courts, and he provided extensive information to authorities during the investigation. This information was also conveyed to the Royal Malaysian Police (PDRM) through two police reports by his family on 31 October 2018 and 21 January 2023, respectively.

The police reports provided details of the drug syndicates operating in Johor Bahru. These details are only possible based on Pannir’s knowledge and information. While there has been some indication that the PDRM will conduct further investigation into the report and information provided by Pannirselvam, the family has yet to receive any formal updates or information since these reports were made.

At present, swift action by PDRM and the Attorney General’s Chambers (AGC) is required to ensure that Pannirselvam is granted a Certificate of Substantive Assistance for the information provided. Failure to do so will certainly result in the execution of Pannirselvam, jeopardising ongoing efforts to detect and cripple the drug syndicate operating with impunity between the Malaysia-Singapore borders.

The death penalty is an inhumane punishment, and its application for drug trafficking violates international human rights law. In Pannirselvam’s case, the death penalty not only represents a violation of human rights, but it is also counterproductive towards the common goal of suppressing drug trafficking across the Causeway.

We, the 24 undersigned civil society organisations and individuals, urge PDRM, AGC, and the Minister of Home Affairs to Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution to:

  • Address the allegations of drug syndicates recruiting and operating in Johor Bahru based on information from Pannirselvam and other drug couriers in Singapore;

  • Provide the necessary cooperation and support to Pannirselvam and other drug couriers in line with Singapore’s legal requirements for Certificate of Substantive Assistance; and

  • Engage bilaterally with Singapore to develop humane, robust, and viable joint action plans that tackle the proliferation of illicit substances through our common borders.

 

Endorsed by:

  1. HAYAT
  2. Greater Equitable Measures (GEM)
  3. SIUMAN Collective
  4. Justice For Sisters
  5. IMAN Research
  6. Beyond Borders Malaysia
  7. KLSCAH Youth
  8. KLSCAH Civil Rights Committee
  9. Muslim Aid Malaysia
  10. MANDIRI
  11. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
  12. Pusat KOMAS
  13. SIS Forum
  14. BERSIH
  15. Drug Policy Program Malaysia/Malaysian AIDS Foundation
  16. Liga Rakyat Demokratik
  17. Association of Women Lawyers (AWL)
  18. SUARAM
  19. Family Frontiers
  20. HUSH Collective
  21. Himpunan Advokasi Rakyat Malaysia (HARAM)
  22. Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Masyarakat, Indonesia
  23. NoBox Philippines
  24. CCFC Cambodia

联署文告 | 制度改革不是犯罪,打压青年声音才是真正破坏公众安宁

针对马大新青年日前向高等教育部提交了一份投诉报告,反映公众对大学中心收生系统(UPU)严重不公的意见,并提出废除大学预科班(Matrikulasi)制度却被警方援引《刑事法典》第505(b)条文(即“发布破坏公众安宁的言论”)及《1998年通讯及多媒体法令》第233条文调查。一个旨在提出制度改革、回应公众关切的理性提呈,已被当作刑事案件对待。

我们要严正指出:不认同一个政策建议,最恰当、最健康的回应方式应是公开反驳与理性论述,而非报警与动用警方进行调查。动用公权不仅破坏宪法保障的言论自由,也严重打击青年群体对制度改革参与的信心。

一个执法过度的社会,不会让人民感到安全,只会让人民陷入“杯弓蛇影、草木皆兵”的恐惧。开档调查马大新青年,难道就解决了常年困扰高教部的问题吗?还是沉默就是解决一切问题的答案?继续无视不透明的入学机制、不一致的录取标准,敷衍每年无数优秀学生被拒之门外的挫败,这些正正才是阻碍教育发展的态度。

我们需强调,《通讯及多媒体法令》第233条文原是为打击网络色情、虚假、威胁或恶意评论、网络霸凌、意图冒犯、迫害或威胁他人的行为,诈骗、骚扰与仇恨言论,以避免通讯设施遭滥用。而不是对付批评政府政策的理性建议。如今却被滥用于调查制度改革声音,这是对法律用途的严重扭曲。

因此,我们呼吁政府与高教部:
1. 正视UPU制度中的结构性不公,展开全面制度审查与改革,统一与透明的大学录取制度,真正实现教育公平;
2. 停止将制度性批评政治化、刑事化,保障青年群体合理表达意见的权利;
3. 约束执法单位滥用法律,确保《刑事法典》与《多媒体法令》的使用恰当与合法。

青年不是国家的敌人,恰恰是国家未来改革的伙伴。一个愿意倾听青年声音的政府,才是真正走在现代民主轨道上的政府。

 

联署组织:

  1. 马六甲中华大会堂青年团
  2. 吉隆坡暨雪兰莪中华大会堂青年团
  3. 柔佛州中华总会青年团

Joint Statement | What is wrong with critiquing the education system? Police urged to stop harassing University of Malaya New Youth

The Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement (TBH-ADA) and the Youth Section of KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall condemn the police for invoking Section 505(b) of the Penal Code (statements conducing to public mischief) and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 (improper use of network facilities) to investigate University of Malaya New Youth’s call to “abolish the matriculation programme” and for summoning its president, Tang Yi Ze, to give a statement.

As a university student organisation concerned with the nation’s well-being and committed to reform, UMANY has long spoken publicly on political, economic, cultural and educational issues in Malaysia. This reflects the youth’s concern for national affairs and represents one of the best ways of contributing to the country through constructive discourse. Political leaders should welcome young people’s free discussion on the merits and flaws of education policies, upholding the spirit of free expression and embracing criticism and policy proposals—instead of silencing dissent through repressive measures.

The police, in their statement, claimed that UMANY’s declaration “may create negative perceptions of the education system, and trigger dissatisfaction and public panic.” This is a baseless accusation. If the police resort to draconian laws merely on the basis of malicious reports from a few individuals to target student leaders, this will undoubtedly fuel mob politics and infringe upon the constitutionally guaranteed right of free expression.

We remind the “MADANI” government that when Pakatan Harapan leaders were in opposition, they openly called for the abolition of the Universities and University Colleges Act, the repeal of the Sedition Act, and condemned the Barisan Nasional government’s suppression of student organisations. Many advocates of the single-stream education system also frequently call for the abolition of multilingual stream schools. Do they not equally “create negative perceptions of the education system” and cause “dissatisfaction and panic”? The “MADANI” government must not apply double standards by singling out powerless students for punishment.

It is deeply ironic that Anwar Ibrahim—once a student leader himself—has, after becoming Prime Minister, allowed state apparatuses to suppress students’ freedom of expression. We urge Anwar’s MADANI government to pull back from the brink, stop harassing UMANY leaders, and restore to students the space to speak, to propose, and to criticise freely!

Ng Yap Hwa, Chairperson of Teoh Beng Hock Association of Democratic Advancement
Wong Yan Ke, Chief of the Youth Section of KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall

联合文告 | 评议教育制度何罪之有? 促警方停止骚扰新青年

赵明福民主促进会与隆雪华堂青年团谴责警方援引《刑事法典》第505(b)条文(破坏公共安宁)及1998年《通讯与多媒体法令》第233条文(不当使用网络设备或网络服务),对马大新青年“废除大学预科班”的言论展开调查,并传召该组织主席邓诒泽录供。

作为忧心社稷志在改革的大专组织,马大新青年长期对我国的政经文教课题公开建言,乃是青年忧天下之忧而忧,以言论建设和报效国家的最好体现。政治领袖应该乐见青年自由讨论教育政策之优劣,秉持言论自由精神欢迎各种批评和政策建议,而非用高压手段让异议噤声。

警方在文告中指出,马大新青年的声明“可能导致社会对教育体系产生负面观感,并引发不满及恐慌”,这是莫须有的指控。倘若警方仅仅根据几个人的恶意报案而援引恶法对付大专领袖,这无疑是助长群氓政治,侵犯公民的宪赋言论自由权利。

我们提醒“昌明”政府,希盟领袖在野期间发表过废除大专法令、废除煽动法令、谴责国阵政府打压大专组织的言论;许多单元教育制度的支持者,也常公开呼吁废除多源流学校制度;请问他们是否也造成对教育制度的负面观感,大众的不满和恐慌?请“昌明”政府不要双重标准,只拿无权无势的大专生开刀。

曾经是学生领袖的安华,登上首相之位后却纵容政府机关打压大专生的言论自由,这是何其讽刺。我们呼吁安华领导的“昌明”政府悬崖勒马,停止骚扰马大新青年的领袖,还大专生自由建言和批判的空间!

 

赵明福民主促进会主席 黄业华
隆雪华堂青年团团长 黄彦铬

Kenyataan Bersama | Malaysia dan Singapura di Persimpangan: Hentikan Hukuman Mati, Tegakkan Hak Asasi Manusia

Memandangkan lima banduan lelaki kini dipercayai berisiko di Singapura, kami, pertubuhan masyarakat sivil yang bertandatangan di bawah, menyeru pihak berkuasa Singapura untuk menghentikan serta-merta semua hukuman mati. Kami juga menggesa kerajaan Malaysia untuk mengambil semua langkah yang mungkin untuk melindungi hak rakyatnya yang berhadapan dengan hukuman mati di Singapura dan mendesak supaya hukuman mati dihentikan sepenuhnya, di Malaysia dan di peringkat antarabangsa.

Antara mereka yang berisiko pelaksanaan hukuman mati ialah Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah, Pannir Selvam Pranthaman, Saminathan a/l Selvaraju, Lingkesvaran Rajendaren dan Jumaat bin Mohamed Sayed. Kesemua mereka dijatuhi hukuman mati kerana didakwa mengedar dadah, dan masing-masing telah menjalani kehidupan selama tujuh hingga sepuluh tahun sebagai banduan akhir. Sementara Jumaat adalah warga Singapura, empat lagi adalah warga Malaysia. Rayuan terkini kelima-lima mereka telah ditolak, selepas bertahun-tahun mereka berjuang mengatasi segala kemungkinan untuk mendapatkan keadilan.

Singapura telah pun melaksanakan hukuman mati ke atas sepuluh lelaki, termasuk dua rakyat Malaysia, setakat tahun ini. Pada Ogos 2025, Kabinet Singapura menasihatkan Presiden untuk memberikan pengampunan kepada seorang yang dihukum mati—kali pertama ini dilakukan dalam hampir tiga dekad. Walaupun kami mengalu-alukan keputusan yang jarang berlaku ini, ia hanya menekankan kesewenang-wenangan dan kekejaman hukuman mati untuk semua yang lain yang masih berisiko.

Individu yang dihukum mati di Singapura dan keluarga mereka hanya diberi notis empat hingga tujuh hari sebelum hukuman mati dilaksanakan. Sebagaimana kami menggesa pihak berkuasa kedua-dua negara untuk melindungi hak asasi manusia dan menamatkan hukuman mati, kami juga menggalakkan rakyat Malaysia dan Singapura untuk bertindak sekarang untuk membantu menghentikan hukuman mati yang akan dilaksanakan terhadap individu-individu ini; kami tidak mampu untuk menunggu, sementara kami tahu mana-mana individu ini mungkin mendapat notis pelaksanaan dalam beberapa hari akan datang.

Pada persimpangan kritikal ini, kerajaan Malaysia mesti bertindak tegas untuk melindungi nyawa rakyatnya dan semua yang menghadapi hukuman mati, serta mendesak pemansuhan hukuman mati di rantau ini. Ramai anak muda Malaysia, sering daripada latar belakang sosio-ekonomi yang kurang bernasib baik, telah terdedah untuk direkrut ke dalam perdagangan dadah, dan kerajaan Malaysia mempunyai kewajipan moral untuk membela mereka, bukan membiarkan mereka mati di penjara asing. Setelah memansuhkan hukuman mati mandatori pada 2023, dan meneruskan usaha ke arah pemansuhan sepenuhnya, Malaysia kini perlu melangkah lebih jauh dengan memperluaskan advokasinya untuk melindungi warganegaranya di luar negara yang kekal berisiko di bawah rejim hukuman mati mandatori yang keras dan kejam di Singapura.

Sementara itu, rakyat Singapura yang gerun dengan hukuman mati ini mesti bersuara menentang hukuman yang tidak berperikemanusiaan ini. Singapura semakin bersendirian di rantau ini dalam melaksanakan hukuman mati mandatori dan melaksanakan hukuman mati bagi pengedaran dadah.

Kes Pannir Selvam Pranthaman

Salah seorang warga Malaysia yang berisiko tinggi ialah Pannir Selvam Pranthaman. Kes beliau dipenuhi dengan pelanggaran undang-undang dan piawaian hak asasi manusia antarabangsa, dan menunjukkan kelemahan asas dalam rejim hukuman mati yang kejam di Singapura.

Pada 2017, Pannir disabitkan kesalahan mengimport 51.84g diamorphine (heroin) ke Singapura dan dijatuhkan hukuman mati mandatori. Walaupun terdapat bukti bahawa beliau hanyalah “kurier” dan telah memberikan maklumat substantif kepada pihak berkuasa, Jabatan Peguam Negara Singapura enggan mengeluarkan Sijil Bantuan Substantif kepada Pannir. Tanpa sijil sedemikian, mahkamah tidak mempunyai pilihan selain menjatuhkan hukuman mati kepada beliau. Pannir, melalui keluarganya, telah berkongsi maklumat dengan Polis Diraja Malaysia berhubung operasi sindiket di sepanjang pantai Malaysia. Kesnya juga telah terjejas oleh kekurangan perwakilan undang-undang semasa soal siasat polis, undang-undang yang menyekat rayuan selepas sabitan kesalahan, penafian bantuan guaman pada peringkat selepas rayuan, dan pelanggaran komunikasi istimewa antara mereka yang menghadapi hukuman mati dengan peguam.

Pada 5 September 2025, Mahkamah Rayuan Singapura menolak permohonan terbaru Pannir untuk penangguhan pelaksanaan, walaupun aduan tatatertib beliau terhadap bekas peguam beliau masih belum diselesaikan. Mahkamah berkata dalam penghakimannya bahawa Persatuan Undang-undang Singapura mungkin perlu bertindak segera untuk “memelihara” keterangan Pannir sebelum pelaksanaan hukuman mati ke atas beliau─satu pengakuan yang mengejutkan dan mengerikan tentang kekejaman besar hukuman mati yang semakin hampir.

Penggunaan Anggapan (Bersalah) Undang-undang dalam Kes-kes Jenayah: Pertarungan Berani oleh Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran dan Jumaat

Pada Ogos 2022, Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran dan Jumaat memfailkan cabaran terhadap perlembagaan anggapan (bersalah) undang-undang berhubung dengan pengedaran, pemilikan dan pengetahuan di bawah Akta Penyalahgunaan Dadah Singapura. Mereka masing-masing telah disabitkan berdasarkan kepada dua anggapan sedemikian yang terkandung dalam Seksyen 18(1) dan 18(2) Akta itu.

Akta Penyalahgunaan Dadah membenarkan anggapan (bersalah) undang-undang digunakan oleh pihak pendakwaan, di mana beban pembuktian dialihkan kepada defendan untuk disangkal oleh mereka kepada piawaian undang-undang “pada keseimbangan kebarangkalian”. Walaupun bidang kuasa lain seperti Kanada, Hong Kong dan United Kingdom telah menolak penggunaan anggapan undang-undang untuk disangkal atas imbangan kebarangkalian—atas dasar membenarkan seseorang tertuduh disabitkan walaupun keraguan munasabah masih wujud—Singapura terus menggunakan anggapan (bersalah) undang-undang tersebut dalam kes pengedaran, pemilikan dan pengetahuan dalam kes dadah. Anggapan bersalah secara berkesan melemahkan jaminan perbicaraan yang adil di bawah undang-undang hak asasi manusia antarabangsa dan melanggar hak untuk dianggap tidak bersalah, norma lazim undang-undang antarabangsa. Selanjutnya, anggapan pemilikan dan pengetahuan boleh digunakan bersama-sama di Singapura—penggunaannya telah diterangkan di mahkamah lain sebagai suatu penghinaan kepada anggapan tidak bersalah.

Empat lelaki banduan akhir ini telah mengharungi suatu cabaran perjalanan yang panjang dan sukar. Skim bantuan guaman di Singapura tidak meliputi pemfailan rayuan luar biasa. Memandangkan mereka tidak mempunyai cara untuk menghubungi peguam secara persendirian, mereka berempat tidak diwakili untuk masa yang lama, memaksa mereka hadir ke mahkamah tanpa peguam untuk menghujahkan bantahan mereka sendiri. Apabila peguam kanan asing menawarkan untuk mewakili mereka secara pro bono, mahkamah memutuskan bahawa mereka sendiri perlu menghujahkan permintaan untuk menerima peguam asing ini untuk mewakili mereka di Singapura — mewujudkan keadaan yang keterlaluan di mana orang yang dihukum mati terpaksa mengemukakan hujah undang-undang yang sangat teknikal manakala peguam kanan asing hanya boleh melihat ini berlaku. Akhirnya, Mahkamah Singapura menolak permohonan mereka supaya peguam ini mewakili mereka.

Hanya kira-kira dua tahun selepas cabaran perlembagaan mereka difailkan, beberapa peguam tempatan bersetuju untuk mengambil kes mereka, yang ditolak bulan lalu. Dengan berakhirnya kes ini, tiada lagi prosiding undang-undang tertangguh untuk menghalang pihak berkuasa Singapura daripada menjadualkan pelaksanaan hukuman mati mereka.

Kebimbangan Besar Terhadap Lain-lain Pelanggaran Undang-undang dan Piawaian Hak Asasi Manusia Antarabangsa

Kami mengingatkan pihak berkuasa Singapura bahawa perlindungan antarabangsa mengenai penggunaan hukuman mati melarang pelaksanaan hukuman mati sementara rayuan atau prosedur lain yang dilakukan masih belum selesai. Sudah tentu boleh diakui bahawa penglibatan Pannir—untuk mengarahkan peguam, memberi keterangan dan menjawab sebarang bukti yang dibangkitkan oleh bekas peguam beliau—adalah satu-satunya cara untuk memastikan keputusan yang adil dalam aduan beliau yang dikemukakan kepada Persatuan Undang-undang Singapura. Ini amat kritikal memandangkan aduan itu termasuk perbualan langsung yang melibatkan Pannir dan bekas peguam beliau; dan beberapa orang lain yang dihukum mati yang juga telah memfailkan aduan terhadap peguam yang sama ini telah pun dilaksanakan hukuman mereka sebelum keterangan mereka didengar.

Seperti Pannir, surat-menyurat peribadi kedua-dua Datchinamurthy dan Saminathan juga telah disalin dan diserahkan oleh Perkhidmatan Penjara Singapura, tanpa kebenaran, kepada Jabatan Peguam Negara—suatu tindakan yang telah diputuskan oleh Mahkamah Rayuan Singapura sebagai menyalahi undang-undang.

Individu yang dijatuhkan hukuman mati di Singapura telah menimbulkan kebimbangan serius tentang halangan yang sangat terlarang yang mereka hadapi dalam memfailkan permohonan undang-undang selepas rayuan jenayah mereka selesai. Mereka juga berulang kali membangkitkan betapa sukarnya untuk mereka melibatkan peguam di Singapura, memandangkan risiko denda yang membebankan, teguran dan kos yang perlu ditanggung oleh peguam untuk mengambil kes jenayah di peringkat akhir. Keadaan hukuman mati di Singapura semakin memburuk saban tahun, dengan banduan mengalami pengasingan dalam sel bersendirian, komunikasi yang sangat terhad antara mereka dan orang tersayang mereka, dan pihak berkuasa penjara menjadikannya hampir mustahil bagi banduan yang terlibat dalam cabaran undang-undang yang sama untuk berbincang antara satu sama lain.

Hukuman mati bagi kesalahan dadah melanggar undang-undang dan piawaian hak asasi manusia antarabangsa, yang mengehadkan penggunaan hukuman mati hanya kepada “jenayah paling serius”, yang difahami sebagai pembunuhan dengan sengaja. Pengedaran dadah tidak memenuhi ambang ini. Kedua-dua Jawatankuasa Hak Asasi Manusia Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu dan Pelapor Khas Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu telah secara konsisten mengesahkan pendirian ini. Namun sebahagian besar hukuman mati yang berlaku di Singapura dijalankan sebagai sebahagian daripada kempen nasional “perang melawan dadah”—yang mana menunjukkan betapa jauhnya pendirian Singapura berbanding masyarakat antarabangsa dalam soal hak asasi manusia dan keadilan.

Perdana Menteri Baharu, Lawrence Wong

Sebagai perdana menteri baharu Singapura, Lawrence Wong berpeluang mengambil langkah penting untuk menghentikan penggunaan hukuman mati yang kejam dan tidak berperikemanusiaan di Singapura yang telah meragut ratusan nyawa sejak merdeka. Mengenakan moratorium serta-merta ke atas hukuman mati dan memansuhkan hukuman mati mandatori akan menjadi langkah penting yang mendesak yang boleh beliau lakukan, dengan tujuan ke arah pemansuhan sepenuhnya. Ini bukan sahaja akan menyelamatkan nyawa ramai banduan akhir, tetapi juga memastikan Singapura tidak ketinggalan oleh trend antarabangsa yang menolak penggunaan hukuman mati.

Perdana Menteri Wong setakat ini tidak membuat sebarang kenyataan umum mengenai penggunaan hukuman mati oleh Singapura. Bagaimanapun, pengampunan pertama yang diberikan kepada banduan hukuman mati dalam tempoh 27 tahun—yang tidak mungkin berlaku tanpa Kabinet Wong menasihati Presiden Tharman Shanmugaratnam untuk berbuat demikian—menunjukkan bahawa perubahan boleh dilakukan. Perdana Menteri Wong tidak seharusnya berdiam diri dalam isu ini, dan harus menunjukkan kepimpinan dalam menamatkan penggunaan hukuman mati oleh Singapura.

Peranan Malaysia sebagai Pengerusi ASEAN: Peluang Menerajui Pemansuhan

Pemansuhan hukuman mati mandatori Malaysia berkuat kuasa pada Julai 2023, sebelum proses pendakwaan semula menyeluruh di mahkamah untuk semua individu yang dijatuhkan hukuman mati mandatori sebelum pindaan, termasuk mereka yang disabitkan kesalahan mengedar dadah. Akibatnya, kebanyakan hukuman mati telah diketepikan dan digantikan dengan 30 hingga 40 tahun penjara dan, jika berkenaan, sebat.

Kami diberi suntikan semangat dengan pengumuman baru-baru ini bahawa moratorium pelaksanaan hukuman mati terus dipatuhi di Malaysia dan kajian baharu sedang ditugaskan untuk mempertimbangkan kemungkinan pemansuhan hukuman mati sepenuhnya. Sebagai Pengerusi Persatuan Negara-Negara Asia Tenggara (ASEAN), Malaysia mempunyai kedudukan unik untuk memperjuangkan hak asasi manusia di rantau ini. Campur tangan Malaysia dalam kes ini bukan sahaja menunjukkan komitmennya untuk menyokong rakyatnya yang menghadapi hukuman mati di luar negara, tetapi juga kepimpinannya dalam memajukan agenda hak asasi manusia dalam ASEAN.

Kami menyeru pihak berkuasa kedua-dua negara untuk:

1) Melibatkan diri dalam campur tangan yang pantas dan berkesan: Gunakan semua saluran yang ada, termasuk rayuan diplomatik langsung untuk menggesa Kerajaan Singapura supaya tidak melaksanakan hukuman mati ke atas Datchinamurthy, Pannir, Saminathan, dan Lingkesvaran, dan untuk menghalang hukuman mati selanjutnya daripada berlaku di Singapura, termasuk yang akan menyalahi undang-undang di bawah undang-undang dan piawaian antarabangsa;

2) Memanfaatkan mekanisme ASEAN dan memimpin melalui contoh: Gunakan kedudukan Malaysia sebagai Pengerusi ASEAN untuk menyokong kerjasama serantau untuk menghapuskan hukuman mati, sambil bergerak ke arah pemansuhan sepenuhnya di negara sendiri untuk menunjukkan contoh yang kukuh bagi rantau ini.

3) Berkomitmen ke arah pemansuhan hukuman mati sepenuhnya: Melaksanakan atau mengekalkan moratorium ke atas pelaksanaan hukuman mati, dan menjalankan kajian bebas, berasaskan bukti dan telus untuk menjauhi hukuman mati.

Ini bukan semata-mata untuk menyelamatkan nyawa beberapa orang lelaki banduan akhir terpilih yang mendekam di Penjara Changi Singapura. Ia adalah mengenai menamatkan kekejaman hukuman mati, memastikan kedua-dua Singapura dan Malaysia menegakkan maruah dan hak semua, dan menunjukkan kepimpinan yang diperlukan untuk menggerakkan negara mereka dan serantau ke arah pemansuhan.

Kami menyeru Kerajaan Malaysia untuk bertindak tanpa berlengah-lengah, dan kepada pihak berkuasa Singapura untuk melaksanakan moratorium serta-merta ke atas hukuman mati, dan mengelak daripada mengeluarkan sebarang notis pelaksanaan.

*Pada 21 September 2025, keluarga Datchinamurthy Kataiah menerima berita bahawa hukuman mati ke atas beliau akan dilaksanakan pada 25 September 2025 di Penjara Changi.

Penandatangan:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Amnesty International
  3. Capital Punishment Justice Project
  4. Transformative Justice Collective (Singapore)
  5. Student Actions for Transformative Justice (SATU, Singapore)
  6. Alliance Against the Death Penalty (AADP, Singapore)
  7. Function 8 (Singapore)
  8. Center for Orang Asli Concerns
  9. Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law initiative
  10. Freedom Film Network
  11. Sebaran Kasih Malaysia
  12. ECPM (Together Against the Death Penalty)
  13. MADPET-Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture
  14. Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights
  15. Redemption Pakistan
  16. Workers Hub For Change (WH4C)
  17. North South Initiative
  18. Julian Wagner Memorial Fund Inc.
  19. Australians Against Capital Punishment
  20. The National Human Rights Society (HAKAM)
  21. Centre for Independent Journalism
  22. HAKAM
  23. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
  24. Coalition for Clean & Fair Election (BERSIH)
  25. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia [SABM]
  26. SIS Forum (Malaysia)
  27. TENAGANITA
  28. Maldivian Democracy Network
  29. Bersih
  30. KLSCAH Youth
  31. Puerto Rico Bar
  32. ALIRAN
  33. International Federation of Journalists

 

Baca kenyataan media bersama sini

Joint Statement | Malaysia and Singapore at a Crossroads: Stop Executions, Uphold Human Rights

As five men are now believed to be at imminent risk in Singapore, we, the undersigned civil society organisations, call on the Singaporean authorities to immediately halt all executions. We also urge the Malaysian government to take all possible steps to protect the rights of its nationals facing execution in Singapore and to press for a complete end to the death penalty, at home and internationally.

Among those who are at imminent risk of execution are Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah, Pannir Selvam Pranthaman, Saminathan a/l Selvaraju, Lingkesvaran Rajendaren and Jumaat bin Mohamed Sayed. All of them were sentenced to death for drug trafficking, and have each spent seven to ten years on death row. While Jumaat is a Singaporean, the other four are Malaysians. The five of them had their most recent appeals dismissed, after many years of struggle for justice against all odds.

Singapore has already executed ten men, including two Malaysians, so far this year. In August 2025, Singapore’s Cabinet advised the President to grant clemency to one person on death row—the first time this has been done in almost three decades. While we welcome this rare decision, it only underscores the arbitrariness and cruelty of the death penalty for all others still at risk.

Individuals on death row in Singapore and their families are only given four to seven days’ notice of their execution. As we urge the authorities of both countries to protect human rights and end the death penalty, we also encourage Malaysians and Singaporeans to act now to help stop the imminent executions of these individuals; we cannot afford to wait, knowing that any of these individuals may get an execution notice in the coming days.

At this critical juncture, the Malaysian government must act decisively to protect the lives of its nationals and all those facing execution, as well as push for the abolition of the death penalty in the region. Many young Malaysians, often from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds, have been vulnerable to being recruited into the drug trade, and the Malaysian government has a moral duty to advocate for them, not leave them to die in foreign prisons. Having abolished the mandatory death penalty in 2023, as it continues its journey towards full abolition Malaysia must now go further by extending its advocacy to protect its nationals abroad who remain at risk under Singapore’s harsh and cruel mandatory death penalty regime.

Meanwhile, Singaporeans who are horrified by these executions must speak out against this inhumane punishment. Singapore is increasingly alone in the region in implementing the mandatory death penalty and carrying out executions for drug trafficking.

The Case of Pannir Selvam Pranthaman

One of the Malaysian nationals at grave risk is Pannir Selvam Pranthaman. His case is riddled with violations of international human rights law and standards, and demonstrates fundamental flaws in Singapore’s cruel capital punishment regime.

In 2017, Pannir was convicted of importing into Singapore 51.84g of diamorphine (heroin) and was sentenced to the mandatory death penalty. Despite evidence that he was a mere “courier” and had provided substantive information to the authorities, Singapore’s Attorney-General’s Chambers refused to issue Pannir a Certificate of Substantive Assistance. Without such a certificate, the court had no choice but to sentence him to death. Pannir, through his family, has shared information with the Royal Malaysia Police regarding syndicate operations along Malaysia’s shores. His case has also been affected by the lack of legal representation during police interrogation, restrictive laws that curtailed post-conviction appeals, the denial of legal aid at the post-appeal stage, and breaches of privileged communication between those facing the death penalty and lawyers.

On 5 September 2025, the Singapore Court of Appeal dismissed Pannir’s latest application for a stay of execution, even as his disciplinary complaint against his former lawyer remains unresolved. The court said in its judgment that the Law Society of Singapore may need to act urgently to “preserve” Pannir’s testimony before his execution—a shocking and macabre acknowledgment of the grave cruelty of his looming execution.

The Use of Legal Presumptions of Guilt in Capital Cases: A Valiant Fight by Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran and Jumaat

In August 2022, Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran and Jumaat filed a challenge against the constitutionality of the legal presumptions of guilt in relation to trafficking, possession and knowledge under Singapore’s Misuse of Drugs Act. They each had been convicted with reliance on two such presumptions contained in Section 18(1) and 18(2) of that Act.

The Misuse of Drugs Act allows legal presumptions to be used by the prosecution, whereby the burden of proof is shifted onto the defendant to be rebutted by them to the legal standard of “on a balance of probabilities”. While other jurisdictions such as Canada, Hong Kong and the United Kingdom have rejected the use of legal presumptions to be rebutted on the balance of probabilities—on the basis that it allows for an accused person to be convicted despite reasonable doubt still existing—Singapore continues to apply such legal presumptions in cases of trafficking, possession and knowledge in capital drug cases. Presumptions of guilt effectively undermine fair trial guarantees under international human rights law and violate the right to be presumed innocent, a peremptory norm of customary international law. Further, the presumption of possession and knowledge can be applied together in Singapore—the use of which has been described in other courts as a severe derogation from the presumption of innocence.

It was a long, arduous journey for the four men to see this challenge through. Legal aid schemes in Singapore do not cover the filing of extra-ordinary appeals. As they had no means to engage a lawyer privately, the four men were unrepresented for a long time, forcing them to appear in court without lawyers to argue their challenge by themselves. When foreign senior counsel offered to represent them pro bono, the court ruled that they would have to argue by themselves the request to admit these foreign counsels to represent them in Singapore —creating an outrageous situation in which persons on death row had to present highly technical legal arguments while the foreign senior lawyers could only watch. In the end, the Singapore Courts rejected their application to have these lawyers represent them.

It was only about two years after their constitutional challenge was filed that some local lawyers agreed to take on the case, which was dismissed last month. With the conclusion of this case, there is no longer any pending legal proceeding to prevent the Singaporean authorities from scheduling their executions.

Grave Concerns Over Other Violations of International Human Rights Law and Standards

We remind the Singaporean authorities that international safeguards on the use of the death penalty prohibit carrying out executions while appeals or other recourse procedures are pending. Surely it can be recognised that Pannir’s involvement—to instruct counsel, give testimony and respond to any evidence raised by his former lawyer—is the only way to ensure a fair outcome in his complaint lodged with the Law Society of Singapore. This is especially critical given that the complaint includes a direct conversation involving Pannir and his former lawyer; and that several other persons on death row who had also filed complaints against this same lawyer have already been executed before their testimonies could be heard.

Like Pannir, both Datchinamurthy and Saminathan also had their private correspondence copied and forwarded by the Singapore Prison Service, without authorisation, to the Attorney-General’s Chambers—an act that Singapore’s Court of Appeal has ruled to be unlawful.

Individuals on death row in Singapore have raised serious concerns about the extremely prohibitive barriers that they face in filing legal applications after their criminal appeal has concluded. They have also repeatedly brought up how difficult it is for them to engage lawyers in Singapore, given the risk of onerous fines, reprimands and costs that lawyers have to bear for taking up capital cases at later stages. Conditions on death row in Singapore have worsened over the years, with prisoners enduring isolation in solitary cells, severely restricted communications between them and their loved ones, and the prison authorities making it close to impossible for persons involved in the same legal challenge to confer with one another.

The death penalty for drug offences violates international human rights law and standards, which limit the use of capital punishment only to the “most serious crimes”, understood as intentional killing. Drug trafficking does not meet this threshold. Both the United Nations Human Rights Committee and the United Nations Special Rapporteurs have consistently affirmed this position. Yet the vast majority of executions that take place in Singapore are carried out as part of the country’s extremely punitive “war on drugs”—demonstrating how far out of step Singapore is with the international community when it comes to human rights and justice.

Lawrence Wong’s New Premiership

As Singapore’s new prime minister, Lawrence Wong has an opportunity to take the momentous step of leading Singapore away from the cruel and inhumane use of the death penalty that has taken hundreds of lives since independence. Imposing an immediate moratorium on executions and repealing the mandatory death penalty would be critical urgent steps that he could lead on, with a view towards full abolition. This will not only spare the many people currently on death row, but also ensure that Singapore is not left behind by the international trend away from the use of capital punishment.

Prime Minister Wong has so far not made any public statements on Singapore’s use of the death penalty. However, the first clemency granted to a death row prisoner in 27 years—which would not have been possible without Wong’s Cabinet advising President Tharman Shanmugaratnam to do so—shows that change is possible. Prime Minister Wong should not remain silent on this issue, and should demonstrate leadership in ending Singapore’s use of the death penalty.

Malaysia’s Role as ASEAN Chair: A Chance to Lead on Abolition

Malaysia’s abolition of the mandatory death penalty came into effect in July 2023, preceding a comprehensive resentencing process in court for all individuals sentenced to the mandatory death penalty prior to the amendments, including those convicted of drug trafficking. As a result, most death sentences have been set aside and replaced with 30 to 40 years imprisonment and, when applicable, whipping.

We are encouraged by the recent announcement that the moratorium on executions continues to be observed in Malaysia and that a new study is being commissioned to consider the potential abolition of the death penalty. As the current Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Malaysia is uniquely positioned to champion human rights in the region. Malaysia’s intervention in these cases would not only demonstrate its commitment to support its nationals facing execution abroad, but also its leadership in advancing a human rights agenda within ASEAN.

We call on the authorities of the two countries to:

  1. Engage in swift and effective intervention: Utilise all available channels, including direct diplomatic appeals to urge the Government of Singapore to halt the executions of Datchinamurthy, Pannir, Saminathan, and Lingkesvaran, and to prevent further executions from taking place in Singapore, including those that would be unlawful under international law and standards;
  2. Leverage ASEAN mechanisms and lead by example: Utilise Malaysia’s position as ASEAN Chair to advocate for regional cooperation to abolish the death penalty, while moving towards full abolition at home to set a strong example for the region.
  3. Commit to steps toward full abolition of the death penalty: Implement or maintain a moratorium on executions, and commission independent, evidence-based and transparent studies on moving away from capital punishment.

This is not merely about saving the lives of a select few men languishing on death row in Singapore’s Changi Prison. It is about ending the cruelty of the death penalty, ensuring that both Singapore and Malaysia uphold the dignity and rights of all, and demonstrating the leadership needed to move their countries and the region towards abolition.

We call on the Malaysian Government to act without delay, and on the Singaporean authorities to implement an immediate moratorium on the death penalty, and refrain from issuing any execution notices.

*On 21 September 2025, Datchinamurthy Kataiah’s family received news that his execution will be carried out on 25 September, 2025 at Changi Prison.

Signatories:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Amnesty International
  3. Capital Punishment Justice Project
  4. Transformative Justice Collective (Singapore)
  5. Student Actions for Transformative Justice (SATU, Singapore)
  6. Alliance Against the Death Penalty (AADP, Singapore)
  7. Function 8 (Singapore)
  8. Center for Orang Asli Concerns
  9. Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law initiative
  10. Freedom Film Network
  11. Sebaran Kasih Malaysia
  12. ECPM (Together Against the Death Penalty)
  13. MADPET-Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture
  14. Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights
  15. Redemption Pakistan
  16. Workers Hub For Change (WH4C)
  17. North South Initiative
  18. Julian Wagner Memorial Fund Inc.
  19. Australians Against Capital Punishment
  20. The National Human Rights Society (HAKAM)
  21. Centre for Independent Journalism
  22. HAKAM
  23. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
  24. Coalition for Clean & Fair Election (BERSIH)
  25. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia [SABM]
  26. SIS Forum (Malaysia)
  27. TENAGANITA
  28. Maldivian Democracy Network
  29. Bersih
  30. KLSCAH Youth
  31. Puerto Rico Bar
  32. ALIRAN
  33. International Federation of Journalists

 

Read the full joint media statement here

隆雪华青声援马大新青年 呼吁正面看待青年讨论政策

隆雪华青声援马大新青年发表对大专入学机制的立场,并呼吁各界人士积极看待青年发声,而非引用恶法打压异议。

近日,马大新青年表示统一入学考试乃是解决大专入学机制不公根属方式,不料却遭有心人曲解本意,将入学不公炒作成种族议题。雪上加霜的是,部分人士针对马大新青年的立场报警,而警方也宣称将会在“破坏社会安宁罪”下调查马大新青年。

隆雪华青捍卫马大新青年的言论自由,并强调该组织只是针对时事课题表达立场,属青年参与政策讨论的方式。不论各界是否同意他们的立场,应理性回应,而非透过报警、用公权力与恶法打压意见不同的人。我们提醒,政府早已把投票年龄下调至18岁,若青年无法表达政见,站在投票箱前的他们又该如何抉择?此外,利用法律打压青年发表言论,有违朝野一致通过的18岁投票修宪案及赋权年轻人的共识。

隆雪华青也表示,每个人都有权针对大专录取机制直抒己见,若是因意见不合就要报警,岂非造成社会不安,人人自危,联邦宪法底下都赋予的言论自由也会毁于一旦。

最后,隆雪华青强调此次风波根源在于国立大专录取机制的不透明,因此政府应该正视问题,而非解决提出问题的人。我们再次强调母会立场,即促请政府重塑现有的 UPU录取机制,落实统一的公立大学入学考试制度,以同一试卷、同一录取标准评估所有入学申请,才能避免人才外流。

隆雪华青也呼吁警方立即停止调查马大新青年,并要求政府保障青年的言论自由,避免积极参与政策讨论的青年遭受网络霸凌,让每个公民都能行驶宪法所赋予的权利。

Joint Statement of Malaysian Trade Union and Civil Society Organisations:Boycott the Myanmar Junta’s Sham Elections

Today, 15th September, on the occasion of International Democracy Day, we, the undersigned trade unions, labour organisations, and civil society organisations in the Malaysia, issue this joint statement to unequivocally condemn the Myanmar military junta’s dangerous manoeuvring to legitimise its dictatorship through sham elections scheduled on 28th December.

A Mockery of Democracy

Today, as the world celebrates the principles of democracy—including the free and fair elections, Myanmar’s illegal military junta stands exposed for its relentless assault on those very ideals. The so-called “elections” orchestrated by the military regime are not a restoration of democracy but but a calculated ploy to entrench military rule and extend authoritarian control. These polls are conducted amid systematic violence, mass detentions, the dismantling of genuine opposition, and the exclusion of millions through conflict and displacement. These are conditions fundamentally hostile to free, fair, and participatory elections.

Since the coup in February 2021, the junta has waged a campaign of terror and repression against the people of Myanmar. Over 5,000 civilians have been killed, more than 30,000 arbitrarily detained, and hundreds of thousands displaced. Trade unions have been systematically targeted, with at least 151 trade union leaders arrested and 37 killed for their activism. These attacks have dismantled fundamental freedoms, including the right to freedom of association and collective bargaining.

The junta’s assault on freedom of expression has also intensified. At least 11 media workers have been killed since the coup. Over 220 journalists from more than 100 media outlets have been detained, with 176 of them charged under nine separate laws, including incitement, “false news,” and sweeping counter-terrorism provisions. As of July 2025, 49 journalists remained behind bars.

To make matters worse, the junta has rebranded its governing body from the “State Administration Council” (SAC) to the “State Security and Peace Commission” (SSPC).  This rebranding is a strategic ploy to circumvent international sanctions. The name may have changed, but the violence, repression, and impunity remain the same.

The world must not forget the junta’s blatant refusal to honor the people’s landslide verdict in the 1990 election, or how it rigged the 2010 vote to install a quasi-civilian government that tricked many into believing in a false dawn of reform. To be deceived again by the same playbook would be a willful disregard of history and a betrayal of the Myanmar people’s enduring and bloody struggle for genuine democracy.

Elections held under martial law, with legitimate and independent political parties banned, journalists silenced, and entire regions subjected to occupation and terror, are a mockery of democracy. They are not a pathway to restoration—they are a deliberate façade. The military’s “roadmap” is paved with bloodshed, intimidation, and exclusion; it leads only to permanent authoritarianism and continued suffering for the people of Myanmar.

Here in Malaysia, the call for free and fair elections is not an abstract concept; it is a core principle of our own democratic struggle. Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s political legacy is intrinsically linked to this struggle, having been a central figure in the BERSIH movement in early days. The very principles of transparency, fairness, and respect for the people’s will that he championed on the streets of Kuala Lumpur must now be applied with moral clarity from the Chair of ASEAN. To remain silent or offer tacit acceptance of the junta’s electoral charade would be a profound contradiction of his unwavering domestic stance. Consistency demands that a leader who fights for clean elections at home must unequivocally condemn fabricated elections abroad; this is therefore not just a foreign policy issue, but a test of the principles that form the bedrock of his leadership.

We therefore issue this urgent call to the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim, as the Chair of ASEAN to rally Malaysia and other ASEAN governments to:

1.    Reject the Myanmar junta’s sham elections: Denounce and do not recognize the elections’ legitimacy, outcome, or any governing structure that arises from them. These elections must be exposed as political manoeuvre to consolidate military rule and whitewash human rights abuses.

2.    Boycott the sham elections: We call on all democratic forces, inside and outside Myanmar, to actively boycott these sham elections. Participation will only serve to whitewash military atrocities and undermine the democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar.

3.    Maintain and Enforce Sanctions: Close the loophole created by the junta’s rebranding of the SAC to the SSPC and to relentlessly continue to enforce and monitor sanctions.  Any failure to sanction the SSPC as the direct continuation of the SAC will embolden the junta and undermine global accountability efforts.

There Can Be No Democracy Without the People

The people of Myanmar have already spoken. Through mass protests, civil disobedience, and ongoing resistance, they have made clear that they reject military rule and demand a genuine democratic transition.

We stand in solidarity with Myanmar’s workers, youth, ethnic nationalities, and democratic forces. We will not normalize dictatorship. We will not remain silent. And we will not allow this electoral charade to subvert the sovereign will of the people who determined to be free.

 

Read the full joint statement here